Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan confines GTA officials to their chambers at Lal Kothi

8:16 AM

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Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS)

DARJEELING 15 Jun 2016 Members of the Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS), an umbrella organisation of casual workers, today confined the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration chief principal secretary and a sabhasad to their chambers at Lal Kothi pressing for enhanced incentives.

More than 200 Group A and B employees comprising doctors, engineers, managers and curators of the GTA under the aegis of JAKS are on an indefinite cease-work agitation since June 13.

They have been assembling every morning before the main gate at Lal Kothi, but refuse to do any work.

Today, the agitators reached Lal Kothi around ten in the morning and headed straight into the administrative building. GTA chief principal secretary Ravinder Singh, secretary Don Bosco Lepcha   and Sabhasad Binay Tamang were in their chambers. Executive directors and executive engineers of the GTA had gathered inside for a meeting with the chief principal secretary.

Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) file photo

The officials were all taken aback when informed about the gherao by the JAKS, who by then had blocked their chambers. Visitors were also not allowed to enter the Lal Kothi building.

“It is part of our agitation to press for our demand. We confined the officials to their chambers from morning till evening. We will intensify our agitation and even stop all work of the GTA in the coming days,” warned Deepak Sharma, the JAKS spokesperson.

The officials were confined to their chambers till four in the evening and allowed to leave office only afterwards. The GTA chief principal secretary did not want to talk to the press but the Tamang said,

“The chief principal secretary should initiate dialogues with the agitators. There are several development projects on the pipeline and if the agitation continues, it can be a hindrance. One must also note that the monsoon has started in the hills and there are every chances of calamities occurring."

In February, the state finance department issued Order No.1107-F (P) dated February 25, 2016 to revise the benefits and salary of the GTA contractual workers. The order also stated that it had been  decided to enhance the remuneration by 3 per cent every year. Group C and D workers started getting their enhanced pay from April. However, the JAKS’s contention is that although Group A and B employees, presently receiving Rs13,500 to Rs21,000, are also mentioned in the state government order, they have been kept out of the enhanced pay structure.

There are 5,321 workers employed in the various departments of the GTA, who, initially, worked under the erstwhile Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) on contractual appointment for meager payments.


(EOIC)

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Darjeeling - another heritage gone, GTA pulls down Sailabash

12:42 PM

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History

Darjeeling, May 31: Darjeeling's rare connection with present-day Bangladesh and a part of the hill town's rich history has been reduced to rubble.

The GTA has pulled down Sailabash, the over-a-century-old summer retreat of the raja of Digapatia, to set up a modern hotel management institute and guesthouse in one of the last few available green spaces in Darjeeling.

Digapatia is now in Rajshahi, Bangladesh.

The palace under the tourism department of the GTA near Jalapahar and was brought down about two weeks ago. "The building was in a dilapidated state and recent earthquakes too had caused some damage," said Kishore Ghimire, an executive engineer of the GTA.

In his book, A Concise History of The Darjeeling District Since 1835, which was published in 1922, E.C. Dozey, a writer and historian, said the building had been set up on land that was once owned by Capt J. Masson, the superintendent of Tukvar tea estate, by the "Digapatia Rajah". The retreat was earlier called Girivilash and the name was changed to Sailabash after Independence.

An undated photo of Sailabash: Courtesy Das Studio in Darjeeling

The Late Nayan Subba's soon-to-be-published book, Heritage buildings of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong, says Raja Pramatha Nath Rai Bahadur had founded Girivilash whose garden was laid out by a German floriculturist and horticulturist, Morgenstern, and was looked after by 12 gardeners.

Nobody could say exactly in which year the building had been constructed. But its believed it was built in the last decade of the 19th century.

"Girivilash was a favourite place for the British governors of Bengal....The British army took over the palace in 1942. Later on, it was acquired by the government. It also served as a Tibetan school for a while. The palace has lost the historical grandeur of Girivilash," writes Subba.

According to Subba, the colonial building had an attic with miniature gables and a small dome, and an all-weather glazed rotunda with small square windows in classical style. There was a tennis court as well.

"Raja Pramadanath Roy occupied the front suite on the ground floor, which included the library, with its precious screens of velvet and ornate wooden pelmets," writes Subba.

The front suite of the upper storey with the snow view rooms was "for the rani",

Subba writes. It was "beautifully furnished with a curtained brass cot and a chandelier. There was a huge grandfather clock, which indicated the days of the month and the full moon day (Ekadashi). On the ground floor were the drawing room, dinning room, tash khana (card room) and the billiards room," Subba adds.

Despite being in a dilapidated state, Sailabash was still a landmark in Darjeeling and used to house a guesthouse after Independence. Once the building was taken over by the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, the office of the hill body's vice-chairman was housed there. For the past 20 years, the building had been lying vacant.

Bharat Prakash Rai, convener of the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (Darjeeling chapter), said: "How foolish can we be to dismantle such structures in the name of development. Could it not have been repaired? We have lost a piece of history and that is very sad."

Dawa Lepcha, the GTA Sabha member in charge of tourism, said: "A big-scale hotel management institution will be coming up and the requirements were such that the building had to come down."

GTA executive engineer Ghimire said the project cost had been pegged at Rs 55 crore. "Apart from the institution, there will also be a guesthouse with 24 rooms for in-house training. The infrastructure is being set up as per the parameters laid down by AICTE (All India Council for Technical Education)"

The five-acre plot in which the Sailabash was located has Annapurna and Kafal guesthouses, along with a pond built by the DGHC. "The Annapurna guesthouse will be used as an administrative building for the institution, while a part of Kafal will have to be dismantled. The pond will be smaller in size and we will have facilities for rainwater harvesting," said Ghimire.

The engineer said restoration of the building would have cost much more.

Via Telegraph

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Gorkhaland is only our Solution & “NOTA” is only our Option !

4:40 PM

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West Bengal

Writes Gorkhas N Gorkhaland

No Candidate Deserves My Vote! 
No State No Vote ! 
Beware of Vote ! 
Vote is our Enemy ! 
Gorkhaland is only our Solution & “NOTA” is only our Option ! 

NOTA, (None of the Above) also known as "against all", is a ballot option in Indian electoral system, designed to allow the voter to indicate disapproval of all of the candidates in a voting system.

On 27 September 2013, the Supreme Court of India ruled that the right to register a "NOTA" vote in elections should apply, and ordered the Election Commission to provide such a button in the electronic voting machines.

Even though NOTA are considered as invalid votes, however it is also counted and recorded as rejection of all, in the general election 2014 NOTA polled 1.1% of the votes which counted to over 6 million votes.

Why NOTA for Gorkhaland ?
The state and the name of Gorkhaland is quite necessary for entire settled Gorkhas in India for the sake of their clear and distinct Indian identity so as to distinguish themselves from people of Nepal. As we the Indian Gorkhas have always been look down as an emigrant / foreigners who have come from Nepal in search of their livelihood, permitted as per the Indo- Nepal treaty of 1950.

Moreover, the essence of Grokhaland is not only the development or the creation of statehood within the republic of India BUT to resolve the “Identity Crisis” of Indian Gorkhas by creating a separate state of Gorkhaland “OUT of West Bengal”. I may not be wrong, if I say the Grokha struggle of separation from Bengal is the longest ongoing struggle in the history of modern Indian, as it goes long back to 1907:

Historical chronology of Gorkha struggle in the State of West Bengal: 
1907 - The demand for a separate administrative set up for Gorkhas were submitted by the leaders of the Hill People to the British Government.

1929, the Hillmen's Association again raised the same demand before the Simon Commission.

1930, a joint petition was submitted by Hillmen's Association, Gorkha Officers Association and the Kurseong Gorkha Library to the Secretary of the State of India, Samuel Hoare for separation from the province of Bengal.

1941, the Hillmen's Association under the presidency of Rup Narayan Sinha urged the Secretary of State of India, Lord Pethick Lawrence, to exclude Darjeeling from the province of Bengal and make it a Chief Commissioners Province.

1952, ALGI under the presidency of N.B. Gurung met Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India in Kalimpong and submitted a memorandum demanding the separation from Bengal.

1980 – 1988, Subash Ghisingh demand for a “Separate State” named “Gorkhaland” the movement gained serious momentum with a violent agitation. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of 1st semiautonomous body for Gorkhas in India in the year1988 called Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and also forced the government to release the Gazette Notification on the citizenship Issue of Indian Gorkhas on 23rd August 1988 declaring all Indian Gorkhas to be the citizen of India.

2007, Bimal Gurung raised the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland once again but land up signed an agreement for the formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, a semiautonomous body, thus, replacing the DGHC in the Darjeeling hills.

Though it’s been more than 100 years we have been struggling to separate from the state of Bengal, however, we are still prisoned under the administrative set up of West Bengal. Through we firmly believe in the democracy of our nation BUT we should strongly voice out the suppressive, discriminatory, dissection attitude of Bengal, further Accepting the Legislative Assembly and the electorate process of Bengal also means Accepting, Welcoming and Glorifying the state Administration of West Bengal.

Therefore why not use the power of Right to Reject (NOTA) on the electronic voting machine so as to express our opinion constitutionally and show our solidarity towards the issue of Gorkhaland as we no longer intend to accept the imperialism of Bengal.

Hence, it is our duty as a responsible gorkha citizen to think, think thrice before we VOTE, and vote not just politically BUT wisely !

No state No Vote !
Beware of Vote !
Vote is our Enemy !
Gorkhaland is only our Solution & “NOTA” is only our Option !

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Corruption allegation on Harka Bahadur Chettri by GJM, projects worth 24 lakh not executed

8:46 AM

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Politics

Darjeeling, April 12: GJM (Gorkha Janmukti Morcha) has fresh allegation on Kalimpong MLA, Dr. Harka Bahadur Chhetri who has recently parted from GJM and launched his own party JAP (Jan Andolan Party) of not executing 3 projects worth 24 lakhs using MLA funds - Bidhayak Elaka Unnayan Prakalpa.

Morcha barb at Harka on funds a report on Telegraph

Darjeeling, April 12: The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha today alleged that some projects recommended by Kalimpong MLA Harka Bahadur Chhetri with his MLALAD funds had not been finished although completion certificates had been submitted and money released for those.

The party alleged that two of Chhetri's aides were responsible for the irregularities.

Binay Tamang, the assistant general secretary of the Morcha, said: "On January 27, an order was issued by the district planning section of Darjeeling DM office where 12 projects worth Rs 29.5 lakh were accorded ... for schemes recommended by Harka Bahadur Chhetri. Those were to be executed using MLA funds - Bidhayak Elaka Unnayan Prakalpa."

Harka Bahadur Chettri 

Tamang alleged that of the 12, three projects worth Rs 8 lakh had not been executed.

"Three projects involving construction of a protection wall and footpath above Hari Thapa's house on East Main Road (Rs 3 lakh), a jhora protection (wall) above Bassuripool, Upper Cart Road, Kalimpong, (Rs 2.5 lakh) and a protection wall in front of Puran Chettri's house on East Main Road have not been finished but a completion report has been submitted," Tamang said.

He added that on February 29, another 14 projects costing about Rs 30.5 lakh had been recommended by Chhetri. "A project involving the construction of a protection wall near Renuka Subba's house at School Dara in Kalimpong was shown as complete even without floating tenders. The payment has been made already," said Tamang.

Sources said the project was worth Rs 3 lakh.

"I urge residents of the area... to find out if work has been done. These works were given to two of Chhetri's close aides who used the funds for construction of personal property. The people of Kalimpong have to find them," Tamang said. He said Chhetri had used Rs 19 lakh for personal work when he was with the DGHC and GTA. "We have shown evidence of his corruption on two occasions," said Tamang.

Chhetri denied the charges. "My role as the MLA is to recommend projects to the district planning office. The office distributes work to executing agencies. It is for the BDO office to float tenders and monitor work... I think funds are released only after taking photographs of project. I have no role in choosing contractor..."

Asked about the allegations, he said: "What else do they have to talk about? I will not allow this slandering. I am consulting my legal team and will take him (Tamang) to court on these issues."

The BDO office of Kalimpong#-I is the executing agency of the four projects. BDO Bimalendu Das said : "If there is a complaint lodged with me or the DM, we will inquire."


HB Chhetri gets corruption tag from Morcha again a report on EOI

Darjeeling 12 Apr 2016 The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha has once again accused Kalimpong MLA Harka Bahadur Chhetri of corruption, maintaining that some of the works sanctioned in Kalimpong from the MLA fund had not been executed at all even though completion reports had been submitted for those projects.

GJM assistant secretary Binay Tamang said, “After becoming the Kalimpong MLA, Chhetri undertook a number of schemes through the MLA fund. On his recommendation, two project orders were passed on January 27 and February 29 this year. According to the first order, the total cost of 12 schemes was Rs29.50 lakh, while the second order comprised 14 schemes with a total cost of Rs30.50 lakh. From the first order, work has not been done on three projects out of the 12, and from the second, one project out of the 14 has not been started. Tenders have not even been floated for it even though full payment has been made and a completion report submitted.”

According to Tamang, work not undertaken for schemes mentioned in the first order include a protection wall and footpath at East Main Road for which the cost has been shown at Rs3 lakh; jhora (stream) protection at Upper Cart Road for Rs2.50 lakh; and a protection wall at East Main Road at a cost of Rs2.50 lakh. He said the second order includes construction of a protection wall at School Dara for Rs3 lakh, but this project has also not been executed.

“It seems he (Chhetri) has siphoned off the money meant for the schemes. Harka is saying he will work for the benefit of the people if he gets re-elected, but we find him to be a corrupt legislator already,” alleged Tamang. Not long ago too, the GJM leader had accused Chhetri of misusing Rs19 lakh meant for landslide relief work when he was on the board of administrators of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council.

“The Kalimpong MLA is alleging there is corruption in the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, and if this is true, he should back his claims by producing solid evidence like we have. His party (Jan Andolan Party) has an RTI Cell to look into matters of corruption, and it should start a probe against him,” Tamang said.

Chettri responded by dismissing Tamang’s allegations as unfounded, saying “the Morcha is trying to spoil my image looking at the support I am getting from the people”. He added, “Moreover, the only role I play regarding the MLA fund is make recommendations to the District Planning Section and all work is executed by the Block Development Officer. It is through the BDO that the work completion report is prepared along with photographs. Only then does the bill for the work is released.” The MLA further said, “I will file a defamation case against Tamang after the election as he is making false allegations against me time and again.”

Meantime, Kalimpong Block 1 BDO Bimalendu Das said, “All work in my block has been done as per rules and regulations. After completion of work, the engineer does the verification and the work completion report submitted following which the bills are cleared. If anyone has complaints, they can contact me and I can crosscheck.” (EOIC)

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This Election: Why GJM?

9:02 AM

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TMC

Writes Binu Sundas 

An interesting old video was posted today in my whatsapp, which shows Dr. H B Chettri addressing a meeting somewhere in the plains. He concludes his speech saying that we will work together, walk together and reach our destination together. Yes they have worked together as well as walked and is trying to walk together to reach the destination. But  the most salient question is what is their destination? To my mind only one answer seems apt that is to dislocate the demand of Gorkhaland and those who have aspiration for the creation of Gorkhaland.

This is a critical phase in the political sphere of the hills. This period will determine the future of the demand for Gorkhaland. GJM therefore becomes an important element for all the people who have dared to dream the realisation of Gorkhaland. There is a adage in Nepali taro ko deuta bhanda chau ko bhut kaam lagcha. GJM is the chau ko bhut and therefore we can count on them to keep alive our aspiration. Many have accused them that they have sold of the issue of Gorkhaland but what needs to be remembered is that they have not given up the issue and the right to demand for the separation of hills from Bengal. In the tripartite Memorandum of Agreement Between Government of India, Government of West Bengal and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha for creating an autonomous Body to be called Gorkhaland Territorial Administration they have vehemently reiterated that they would not give up the demand of Gorkhaland.  In the first page of the memorandum itself it says, 'Whereas after several rounds of tripartite meetings at the ministerial and at the official levels, the GJM, while not dropping their demand for a separate State of Gorkhaland has agreed to the setting up of an autnomous Body......'

What is important for all to understand is the fact that GJM has not given up the demand of Gorkhaland even when under pressure to sign this agreement, unlike the GNLF which surrendered the demand while signing the DGHC agreement. GNLF have forgotten their antecedence and is now again trying to attract the people of the hills into false consciousness. However, the stand of the GJM is acknowledged by both the Government of India and West Bengal, which makes the GJM very important for all the people of the hills. They did not succumb to the pressure created by the Government of West Bengal, which has now been accepted by the latter and have revised their strategy and is making use of ambitious 'party of intellectuals' as well as unsuccessful individuals and parties to weaken the tenacity of GJM and the people of the hills to demand Gorkhaland. Further, unlike GNLF, who completely failed the people and moreover let the Gorkha down by not keeping alive the demand of Gorkhaland in their zest to sign for DGHC, GJM have made the centre and the state governments realise that the demand for Gorkhaland and the struggle to achieve it will continue. The memorandum says 'Now, therefore, the Government of India, the Government of West Bengal and the GJM, keeping on record the demand of the GJM for a separate State of Gorkhaland agree as follows...' the creation of GTA.

The advantage we have with the GJM is the fact that they have not kept aside the demand of Gorkhaland and therefore we have to support them and make them victorious in this coming elections. If any other results follow then the authority of the GJM will be questioned by  both the governments and with that the legitimacy of the demand will also lose grounds, as they will have a point to prove that all the people of the hills do not support GJM and thereby the demand of Gorkhaland. Importantly this is what the West Bengal Government in general and TMC in particular wants to happen. What is there their strategy to make sure that such a calamity unfolds upon the people of the hills is to support JAP.

By now people of the hills have understood that JAP is in the 'front stage' only engaged in impression management. Their back stage needs to be understood. In the back stage, in reality, they are puppets in the hands of Mamata didi and their only objective is to see that they become 'Brutus' and stab the yearning of the people for Gorkhaland. Bimal Gurung has already been Julius Caesar and has already said 'et tu Brute' to the leadership of JAP when his direction to the party MLA to resign from the post of MLA was denied by none other than the face of JAP, Dr H B Chettri. Mamata Banerjee through JAP is only trying to create cleavages among the people of the hills and JAP have volunteered to be the instrument through which Mamata Banerjee can play her cards. Therefore, it becomes pertinent for the people of the hills to vote out JAP from the politics of hills. JAP has been further bolstered by the support of GNLF, another outfit who does not support the creation of Gorkhaland.

GNLF, has in the past, destroyed the hills. They were responsible for the death of many during the famed Gorkhaland agitation of the 1980s, the destruction of property and careers of many, only to achieve, constitutionally unrecognised DGHC. GNLF only was a fiefdom then, it is no better now. It is now in its lowest ebb, lacking in organisation, ideology, strategy, leadership and membership. They were dethroned by GJM and in its endeavour to take revenge on GJM it has compromised the wants and objective of the community. It has sided with TMC and JAP, two opponents of Gorkhaland. It has now become crystal clear that we have to fight together against the TMC, JAP and GNLF to uphold the glory of Gorkha community. This is a pivotal phase in our history, this election is not just another election for all the Gorkhas, it is the time to decide who we are, and what we cherish. It is the time to show all the opponents of Gorkhaland, that their false promises of development, district or for that matter anything is not going to distract us from our goal, Gorkhaland. Winning is not about proving the world wrong, but working together. So let us work together and ensure the victory of GJM in all the three constituencies and show the world that when it comes to the issue of Gorkhaland we stand united and no matter what the politics of the 'intellectuals' says we are behind GJM and those for Gorkhaland.


Via binusundas.blogspot.in

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Public fund misuse allegations on Harka Bahadur and Bimal Gurung

10:14 PM

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Kalimpong

Funds misuse slur on Harka

Vivek Chhetri

Darjeeling, March 3: The Gorkhaland Territorial Administration today alleged  that Kalimpong MLA Harka Bahadur Chhetri had used public money to build protection walls and fence the boundary of his personal property in Kalimpong when he was on the board of administrators of the DGHC and the GTA.

Chhetri, who had recently founded the Jan Andolan Party, said he had walled up and fenced his homestead land with his own money.

Binay Tamang, executive GTA Sabha member and the assistant secretary of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, raised the allegations against the Kalimpong MLA at a press conference at Lal Khoti, the headquarters of the hill body. "A work order bearing memo no. KID 62/(1)/(1)/(9)/ W-1 dated 29 February, 2012, was issued by the DGHC for landslide protection work in the Upper Hill Top area at a cost of Rs 14, 24, 508. Again an additional fund of Rs 4,75,337 was allotted (memo no KID-206 (A)/(1)/(1)/(9)/W-1 dated May 5, 2012) by the GTA for the same work," said Tamang.

"As per our information, there was no landslide in the Upper Hill Top area at that time and Rs 19 lakh was used for building a protection wall and fencing for Harka Bahadur Chhetri's personal land in the Hill Top area of Kalimpong," alleged Tamang.

He said when the funds had been sanctioned by the DGHC and the GTA, they were being run by the board of administrators - headed by an "administrator" and comprised of three hill MLAs as the ex-officio members.

Tamang said: "If our allegations are wrong, then Harka should show us which work was done using these funds... in the coming days, we will come up with more instances of misuse of power by Chhetri."

Chhetri denied the allegations.

"When the board of administrators was in place, everything was unofficially decided by Bimal Gurung, Roshan Giri and Binay Tamang and we had to only give our signatures for the list of projects. They would fix contractors for all works. This is like pot calling the kettle black."

He added: "I spent my personal money to fence my land and do other works... if one is to talk about public funds being misused, one must also talk about Rs 50 lakh being given from the MP fund to the Kanchenjungha Public Academy."

Kanchenjungha Public Academy is a CBSE-affiliated high school at Tukvar, 10km from here, and run by a trust. Gurung is believed to be the brain behind it. Told about Chhetri's counter-charge, Tamang said: "The school is run by a trust. We can assure you that not a single rupee from the MP fund has been used in the school. As the ex-officio member, Harka had signed on every document. Now, he says everything was decided unofficially by the Morcha leaders."

Telegraph

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GTA Casual workers welcome state govt’s salary increase order

9:46 PM

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West Bengal

Darjeeling 29 Feb 2016 The casual workers of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration have welcomed the state government’s decision to increase their salary even as they said their long pending demand for regularisation should also be addressed ahead of the Assembly election. The state government’s finance department has issued Order No.1107-F (P) dated February 25, 2016 to revise the benefits and salary of the contractual workers. More than 5,000 workers in the GTA are working on contract basis and they have long been demanding for regularisation. The workers were initially inducted into the now-defunct Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) on contract basis and were paid meagre amounts as remuneration.

In 2007, workers under the aegis of the Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) started an agitation demanding permanent status.

In 2011, the state government came up with a formula and put the casual workers in a pay-band structure that included employees of the A and B categories as well. Accordingly, Grade C and D casual workers who had been receiving a monthly salary of Rs2,500 started getting between Rs7,000 and Rs8,500 from 2011. Now, the state government has proposed to increase the salary of the grade C and D workers to Rs20,000 and Rs22,000, respectively, provided the workers have been working for more than 20 years. This aside, the state government has also decided to enhance the remuneration by 3 per cent every year. Welcoming the order, JAKS spokesperson Deepak Sharma said today, “Our primary demand is and will remain regularisation. But we definitely welcome the state government’s decision to increase our salary because this was the need of the hour.” The JAKS had also filed a petition in the high court seeking regularisation and the appeal has been upheld. The state government was directed to start the process of regularisation but it is yet to be implemented. “We sought the court’s help and received a positive verdict. However, the regularisation process has not yet started and we fail to understand why despite the court’s directive. It appears the state government has some plan up its sleeves and the increase in salary is just a diversion,” Sharma said. At present, the GTA has 5,321 casual workers in its payroll with grade C and D employees comprising nearly 90 per cent of the workforce. The state government’s order mentions these workers, but there are no specifications for Grade A and B employees even though they are also included in the existing pay-band structure. “We want the state government to look into this aspect also as the Grade A and B workers are being left out of the increment. We feel that since there isn’t any A and B grade in Bengal, the state government may have overlooked this aspect with regard to the hills while making the revision,” the JAKS spokesperson said.

(EOIC)

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Are Darjeeling, Kalimpong and the Dooars part of India?

10:25 AM

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Kalimpong District

Writes: Former Union Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar

A group of Kathmandu-based Nepalese lawyers has filed a petition before the World Court at The Hague challenging India's sovereignty over the Darjeeling hill areas.

It bases its case on Article 8 of the Indo-Nepalese treaty of 1950 which cancels all previous "treaties and engagements" entered into between Nepal and the British authorities in India "so far as matters dealt with herein are concerned".

Through a deed of grant dated 1835, "the hill of Darjeeling" was ceded to India by the raja of Nepal "on account of its cool climate, for the purpose of enabling the servants of the governor-general's government, suffering from sickness, to avail themselves of its advantages". Darjeeling thus came to India as a sanatorium!

The Kathmandu lawyers argue that as Article 8 of the 1950 treaty extinguishes all treaties and engagements concluded by the British, Darjeeling, ceded by such an engagement, must revert to Nepal. The petition will doubtless be rejected by the World Court on the ground that, in terms of the statutes of the World Court, the Government of India cannot be impleaded without its consent. This, however, would be a procedural dismissal. A substantive rebuttal of the petition's arguments is what needs to be made.

Map of India in 1805

The mere fact of the petition could spark a fire on the hill. For the Indian Gorkha dreads nothing more than reabsorption into Nepal. And nothing angers him more than being told that the Indian Gorkha and the Nepalese Gorkha, like Natha Singh and Prem Singh, are one and the same thing.
They are not. After all, no Bengali likes being mistaken for a Bangladeshi; any Thanjavur Tamil would resent being looked on as a Jaffna Tamil; and no Indian Punjabi would take it lying down if he were labelled a Pakistani Punjabi.

The problem is particularly acute for the Indian Gorkha as, unlike the Jaffna Tamil or the Pakistani Punjabi, the Nepalese Gorkha has the unfettered right to live and work in this country. Indeed, a Nepalese Gorkha is not only entitled but encouraged to join the Indian Army.

Uncertain of their national status, apprehensive of their future, confounded by an identity crisis imposed upon them, the Indian Gorkhas, under their leader, Subhas Ghising of the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), have for over a decade been pleading for the removal of ambiguity about the implications of Article 8.

At the same time, they have asked why the Government of India is paying Rs 5 lakh annually to the Government of Bhutan for retaining Kalimpong and the Dooars in the Union of India. Why pay rent for land that should be ours? The annual payment is an international obligation contracted by us under Article 3 of the India-Bhutan treaty of 1949.

Does this mean these territories are Bhutanese properties, held on lease by India? Will it take another GNLF agitation to get the Government to squarely answer these ambiguities? The last agitation was ended in 1988 when Rajiv Gandhi finally persuaded a blinkered Jyoti Basu to concede a measure of executive autonomy to a besieged micro-minority. In the decade that has passed, the Left Front Government in Calcutta has done everything it can to sabotage the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC).

Funds have been diverted, held back, denied. The ludicrous argument is made, by a CPI(M) that has salted away uncounted crores into the personal ledger accounts of its cadres, that the DGHC is misusing the peanuts thrown at it.

Darjeeling district is that only in name: more than half its area falls in the plains and vast tracts of hill areas inhabited by Indian Gorkhas have been segregated and placed in the adjacent district of Jalpaiguri. The same goes for the Darjeeling Lok Sabha constituency: two-thirds of the votes are in the plains and fellow Gorkhas have been pushed into adjacent constituencies.

At the Centre, funds for the DGHC are not being sent directly to Darjeeling but funnelled through Calcutta; the CPI(M) not only mulcts its share of the booty but uses its purse strings to make DGHC councillors dance to its tune. Where the memorandum of settlement specified that the "Gorkha language" would be included in the 8th Schedule, the Centre, utterly gracelessly, put it down as "Nepali" and then clarified that that means the same as "Gorkhabhasha". There is insensitivity all around, in Delhi as much as in Calcutta.

Which is why the fire on the hill is being stoked. The fire can yet be doused if three steps are taken. One, on the model of the special constitutional provisions for Tuensang district of Nagaland, the executive and legislative authority of the West Bengal Government in the Darjeeling hill areas is made subject to the DGHC's concurrence, and central funds for the DGHC are channelled direct to Darjeeling.

Two, the district of Darjeeling is reconstituted to include all, and only, Gorkha hill areas, and Parliament's delimitation commission is approached to redraw the boundaries of the Darjeeling Lok Sabha constituency to ensure a voice for the Indian Gorkha in Parliament.

Three, all ambiguities are removed about the national status of the Indian Gorkhas and the land they inhabit.

Otherwise, the gathering momentum towards a Gorkha Pradesh, that is, the separation of the hill areas from the plains, might prove irresistible. Those who wish to avoid another partition of Bengal had best attend to making the Gorkhas feel a valued part of Bengal.
................................
This article was originally published on Feb 2, 1998 in INDIA TODAY originally posted at: bit.ly/1ntQXah

Does this make the Mr. Aiyar anti-National too?

Via TheDC

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Sans “Gorkha”: Jan Andolan Party and the Suspect Birth of “Politics of Rational” in Darjeeling

10:36 AM

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Siubash Ghishing

Writes: Upendra

Darjeeling is a land of political intrigue; it has always been so. Sadly, all the ‘intrigue’ till date have ended up hurting us more than benefiting us. Be it the Communists demanding the formation of ‘Gorkhasthan’ in 1950s to incorporate Nepal into India, or AIGL not demanding anything while it was in power, or Subash Ghising ending up with DGHC, or Bimal Gurung having to make do with GTA. Our politicians have repeatedly failed us, and we - the people have let them do so.

It is perhaps due to all these ‘intrigues’ that though the demand for a separate administrative unit comprising of the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars was first raised in 1907, till date we are yet to achieve it.

Adding to the milieu of this “intrigue,” yesterday “Intellectuals” from the hills announced the formation of a new political group – Jan Andolan Party.

This is perhaps the 1st time in the history of Darjeeling (post-independence) that a new political party has tried to establish themselves devoid of the “Gorkha” tag. While for most people the name may not matter, for any political analyst, this is a significant new development.

There have been complaints from some quarters in the past that the very word “Gorkha” denies inclusivity to ‘non-Gorkhas’ and thus the appeal or reach of such parties do not extend beyond the Gorkha dominated areas of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars. Perhaps the newly formed Jan Andolan Party wants to project itself as a “non-denominational,” a “non-community specific” political party which seeks to highlight the numerous issues facing our region, and thus promote regional development.

To understand the origination of the term “Jan Andolan” we have to rewind back to 2013, a year prior to 2014 MP elections. “Intellectuals” based in Delhi and led by Mr. Munish Tamang had flouted a group called “Jan Awaz” [Details: on.fb.me/1UtWhW7].

The newly formed group tried to create some noise back then, and also took out a rally in support of Gorkhaland in Delhi. For various reasons, they could not find much traction in Darjeeling region and “Jan Awaz” died a convenient death post the 2014 elections. However, those “intellectuals” behind the idea of a “Jan Awaz - People’s Voices” remained persistent and are now at the helm of “Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh.”

A cursory glance of the recent changes in political spectrum in our region, sort of puts more credence to the fact that the emergence of “Jan Andolan Party – People’s Movement Party” is not a random outcome. Somewhere someone has been putting a lot of thought into the shape, scope and agenda of this new political outfit.

Recently a new body “Chiya Bagan Sangram Samiti, or the Tea Garden Movement Committee” was formed, the formative meeting organized in Siliguri was attended by representatives from a ultra-left CPI(ML), CPRM and also Dr. Mahendra P Lama [Details: on.fb.me/1SezsZ4]. To those observing closely, it comes as no surprise that many of the post holders in this organization [CBSS], include the top brass of “Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh” including its President Mr. Sukman Moktan and VP Mr. Munish Tamang [Details: bit.ly/1SezzUq].

There is a definite trend here. ‘Jan Awaz’ of 2013 has today metamorphosed into ‘Jan Andolan,’ and they are increasing the scope of their influence. However, for them to be able to do so, they had to shed the “Gorkha” tag.

Dr. Harka Bahadur Chettri the leader of Jan Andolan Party has repeatedly insisted that “we should give up the politics of emotions, and indulge in practical politics, or the politics of rational,” and while I applaud his vision, I want to ask him this. Is the demand for a separate state for the Gorkhas not a practical and rational demand?

In the 23 point Manifesto released by Jan Andolan Party, the words “Gorkha” or “Gorkhaland” do not feature at all.

Some of my friends who are “intellectuals,” and thus vocal supporters of Jan Andolan party and its “intellectual” leadership point out the very 1st agenda on Jan Andolan Party’s manifesto and claim that the demand for a separate state is JAP’s priority.

The 1st point reads: “Work towards the goal of AUTONOMY and SELF-GOVERNANCE by the eventual attainment of a separate state of this region based on the principle of inclusiveness, territorial contiguity, cultural harmony and economic and political rationality, all the time bearing in mind the twin concerns of national integrity and security.”

While the phrase “eventual attainment of a separate state” sounds nice, what JAP has conveniently left out is the point which inspires the demand for the “separate state” – i.e. the reason why are we demanding a separate state to begin with?

Unlike the demand for Telangana, which was about fostering development in the neglected regions, the demand for a separate of Gorkhaland is about creating a niche, an identity reference point for the Gorkhas living in India.

Yes! misgovernance, discrimination and socio-economic and cultural exploitation are very strong reasons to demand a separate state, however for the Gorkhas living in India, most important of all we need a state which resolves the “IDENTITY CRISIS” faced by our community, and a state of “Gorkhaland” would go a long way in resolving the ambiguity surrounding the nationality of our community.

By keeping mum on the word “Gorkha” and “Gorkhaland” while JAP is likely to gain votes in the plains, the obvious question that one wants to thus ask is this, would a “Jan Andolan” in our region be possible without the involvement of the “Gorkhas”? Form whom do JAP hope to cause the "andolan"? Why should "Gorkhas" become a part of the "andolan" when the new party is abhorred to even using the name of our community?

Another significant omission which rattled me is this, even though JAP manifesto does talk of, “Ensure[ing] equality and quality in educational opportunities for the coming generations, especially the poor and the needy” [Section 14]. What is surprising is the fact that a political party flouted by so called “intellectuals” is mum on the demand for a Central University in our region. It is also mum on any specialized educational and training institutes such as AIIMs, IITs, IIMs to be formed in our region.

JAP is also mum on the inclusion of our region into North-east Council which would not only expedite the development process through the allocation of additional resources, but would also lay the foundation for our breaking away from Bengal.

Speaking to Indian Express, Dr. Harka yesterday said, “When you go to the Assembly as an MLA, your high command is the state government. Until you are in a good relationship with the state government, how can you get your demands met for the people who you are answerable to?” [Details: bit.ly/1WQuUqH].

It was quiet revelatory of what the Jan Andolan Party hopes to achieve – excellent relations with Bengal, so that their benevolence may somehow foster economic development in our region. Gorkha “intellectuals” in JNU use a word “State-ist” to define those who pander to the ruling government at the cost of the issue or cause at hand. JAP seems to fulfill that definition to the T.

Perhaps, why JAP has knowingly failed to mention these issues is best explained by Section 16 of their manifesto wherein they seek to, “Foster, nurture and develop human resources with the GOAL of CAPABILITY BUILDING for REAL AUTONOMY AND SELF-GOVERNANCE.”

I don’t know what others think about this particular section, for me one message emerges out loud – currently we are not capable of running our own affairs and we need to focus on “capability building” to be eligible for real autonomy and self-governance.

“Real Autonomy” can mean anything, and so can “self-governance.” Panchayat is a self-governance body, GTA is an autonomous body and if it were handed over all the powers and departments by the treacherous Bengal government as agreed to on GTA Accord, then it would have real autonomy too. So what do JAP mean by these terms – “real autonomy” and “self-governance”?

It is also important to note that this document [JAP Manifesto] was possibly prepared by the same group of “intellectuals” who negotiated on our behalf and pushed our demand for Gorkhaland to accepting GTA [Proof: https://youtu.be/KeaI_SqeckY].

So when they start talking about “Real Autonomy” and “Self-Governance” it makes me question their sincerity towards Gorkhaland statehood.

However, I wish the new party good luck in their endeavour and hope that they will remain sincere, committed and honest towards the cause they believe in. Darjeeling needs a united and strong opposition, and I am hopeful that Jan Andolan Party will fulfill that gap.

I also sincerely hope that, much like how “Jan Awaz” and Prof. MP Lama conveniently disappeared after 2014 elections, “Jan Andolan” doesn’t disappear after 2016 elections.

Jai Gorkha!! Jai Gorkhaland!!


Via The Darjeeling Chronicle

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Ghisingh's closest aide Mani Gurung joins GJM

11:27 AM

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Subash Ghishing

Darjeeling, Jan. 12: Subash Ghisingh's Man Friday, Mani Gurung, who had stayed with the ex-DGHC head when most GNLF leaders had snapped all contacts with him, today joined the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha. Mani said Mann Ghisingh, the president of the GNLF, didn't understand "the A, B, Cs of politics".

Mani, who never held a post in the GNLF, virtually spent every single day from 1985 onwards with Ghisingh until the leader's death last year.

Speaking to the Press, Mr. Mani said, "I stayed with GNLF for 31 years and served the party sincerely without any sort of personal selfishness, I have served the Gorkha cause and for that same reason today I am joining GJM... I have closely followed politics in Darjeeling and I weighed everyone from Lawyers to Doctorates, however I feel only Gorkha Janmukti Morcha is sincere towards the Gorkha issue..."

He added, "Mann Ghisingh, the president of the GNLF, doesn't understand the A, B, Cs of politics, and by the time he learns them it will be too late... GNLF cadres at the grassroots are sincere and hardworking, but those running the show are not."

Revealing that Late. Subash Ghising never considered Mr. Bimal Gurung as an enemy, Mr. Mani said, "Late. Subash Ghisingh never considered Bimal Gurung as his enemy, he used to repeatedly say, Bimal is not our enemy we have to be aware of and worry about those forces who will try to destroy our unity... today his words are coming true in the form of Development Boards, and other forms of divisions among people."

He said, "I will dedicate the rest of my life for Gorkha cause and work for Gorkha Janmukti Morcha."

Via TheDC

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GNLF‬ seeking to regain lost glory in ‪Darjeeling hills

9:22 PM

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Sixth Schedule

‬The Gorkha National Liberation Front has started to reach out to the people in its bid to revive and to strengthen its base in the hills after remaining low for the most part of four years.

GNLF president Mann Ghisingh has embarked on a whirlwind tour of constituencies in the hills to assert the party’s presence. Mann took over as the party reins after the death of his father Subash Ghsingh in January of last year. “Our party president is visiting various constituencies and meeting people. We are holding street corner meetings and rallies in different places. So far we have received good response from the people who are fed up with the autocratic rule of the present dispensation,” said Biren Lama, the central committee coordinator of the GNLF.

The GNLF is trying to revive the Sixth Schedule issue that has been put in the backburner by the Union government. The demand was taken up by Subash Ghisingh and a memorandum of agreement to this effect was also signed in December 2005. However, in 2008 a bill to put the Darjeeling hills under the purview of the Sixth Schedule that had been placed in Parliament was rejected. Even so, the GNLF is adamant and insists that only a Sixth Schedule status would solve the problems plaguing the hills. The party also wants the now-defunct Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council to be reinstated.

“The Sixth Schedule bill has not been scrapped as is being claimed by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha. We want the Centre to take appropriate measures to reintroduce the bill,” Lama said adding: “Until then we demand the reinstatement of the DGHC as that council body has constitutional guarantee and is the next step towards achieving Sixth Schedule status.” The BJP had played a major role in blocking the Sixth Schedule bill in Parliament after being persuaded by the GJM, its political ally.

The GJM has helped the BJP win from Darjeeling constituency in the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Now, the GNLF, which was ousted from power by the GJM back in 2007, wants to gain ground in the rural areas, which were once the party’s stronghold. In particular, the GNLF is reaching out to people in the tea belts that comprise the bulk of the hill population. Today, its trade union – the Himalayan Plantation Workers Union (HPWU)- led a delegation to the office of the Darjeeling district magistrate and submitted a memorandum listing tea garden workers’ issues.

The HPWU has requested the district administration to intervene and facilitate the opening of Panighatta tea garden and also the estates controlled by the Alchemist Group.

Panighatta tea garden has remained closed since October 2015, while workers of the Alchemist Group-owned Dhootriah, College Valley and Peshok gardens are yet to receive their wages. “We submitted a memorandum to the district magistrate requesting his intervention in the matter. Workers are facing acute problems due to the closureas they have not got wages for more than four to five months now,”said Bharat Thakuri, the HPWU Darjeeling branch committee president.

The trade union wants the state government to take proactive steps and persuade the management to reopen the gardens, while another option it has proposed is to take over the management of the estates. Another option it has put forward is a takeover of the plantation land by the state government and its distribution among the workers. “Our takeover proposal was rejected by the district magistrate as the matter would come under the plantation act.

However, the district administration has said food stocks and medical facilities can be arranged if required. Further, workers will be given job cards under the 100 days work scheme,” Thakuri said. HPWU leaders said they would wait till the start of the first flush period in March-April to see the response of the management and the state government before launching an intensified agitation.

Source: EOIC

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Gorkhaland and the Curse of Political Invisibility

10:16 AM

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West Bengal

Writes Mouli Banerjee

I have the first thirty seconds of introduction to a new person, more often than not, well-rehearsed by now. I pronounce my name the way it was intended, receive a blank look, smile and say “Call me Molly.”

They ask, “Are you from Kolkata?”

“No,” I say, “I’m from Siliguri,” *wait for three seconds* “… near Darjeeling.”

At this point, depending on who I am talking to, the response is sometimes, “In Assam?” Sometimes, “I know Siliguri. I went to Sikkim *insert number* of years back,” and once in awhile, “Ah, nice tea.”

On one rare occasion, a then-stranger, who later went on to become a close acquaintance, said, “The tastiest bananas in the Kolkata market come from Siliguri!” That one was new for me, and I haven’t heard it again since.

Living away from home for as long as I have, one realises that in a country like India, people from other parts find it easier to perhaps arrange their cultural imagination by reducing you or your cultural baggage to the closest ‘signifier’. And yet, being a Marathi isn’t as easily reductible to hailing from Mumbai, being a Punjabi to hailing from Chandigarh, or even being Tamilian to be from Chennai. Not the way being Bengali implies hailing from Kolkata. This begs the question of the degrees of cultural hegemony that are at work here, and whether there are political and social implications to it.

Being born and brought up in North Bengal, I know that not only do we speak in a dialect and intonation different from that heard in Kolkata, but we also have a slightly different cuisine, and often, a different set of cultural and political memories. Most Bengalis in North Bengal, for example, carry with them a generational memory of the turbulent 1970s in a way that is not much talked about in cultural representations of the period. Only a few kilometres away from Siliguri is a place called Naxalbari (from which the ‘Naxalite movement’ gets its name), and without knowing the political implications of it, we celebrated Charu Majumdar’s birthday every year in morning assemblies at our convent school. There are many implications of a possible cultural hegemony that the idea of “Kolkata” serves to exercise, but this article tries, in brief, to understand the specific political implications of such hegemony, with reference to the Gorkhaland movement.

The demand for a separate statehood for the Hills of Darjeeling and the surrounding Tarai region arose in the 1950s. The rising resentment resulted in violent conflict in the mid-1980s, when under the leadership of Subhash Ghising, the militant Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) took charge of the movement. The violence increased, with the use of illegal arms with which the youth in the Hills were politically mobilised, and reached its peak in 1988, at which point the Government of West Bengal conceded in order to come to an agreement with the GNLF through diplomatic talks. This part may be familiar to a few, who have perhaps read the mildly biased account of the movement in Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss.

In 1988, a tripartite agreement between the GNLF, the State government, and the Government of India was signed. The compromise, which allowed the creation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) and the granting of citizenship to pre-1950 settlers, worked for two decades, but the demand for a separate state continued.

This resentment has huge political implications on the development of the entire region. The GNLF boycotted the Lok Sabha elections of 1996, 1998 and 1999. When the movement saw a resurgence in 2006, with the coming to the forefront of the the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), under the leadership of Bimal Gurung, it effectively tried to construct a new, singular Gorkha identity, and supplemented it with a cultural attire and a unified language (which many historians have questioned). However, this resurgence gave away to one of the movement’s most violent moments, when on May 21, 2010, Madan Tamang, the leader of the Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League (ABGL), was hacked to death in broad daylight by a group of unidentified men. The case is still sub-judice at the Kolkata High Court.

What needs to be shed light on, though, is how this turmoil, and the demands that come with it, have been conveniently boxed in and sanitized by the state administration for decades, and how, because of that, the entire region didn’t see much development till after 2006. Since 2009, the Lok Sabha constituency of Darjeeling has been the only one in West Bengal to have been won by the Bharatiya Janata Party (which otherwise is not politically a strong contender in the state) twice in a row, each time on the promise that if elected to the Centre, the representative shall push for a separate Gorkhaland. None of it has amounted to anything because the region or its demands do not yet find adequate space in the nation’s political imagery.

I would like to, at this point, clarify that this is not a post in favour of the demand for a separate state, but I hold that position mainly because I believe administering governance here would be rather difficult owing to the geographical location of the region, the strategic security concerns, as well as the consequent lack of resources. Yet, at the same time, one cannot deny the truth in the primary reason for the resentment- that the state, and its administration not only does not acknowledge the cultural difference of the region, but also, over decades, has in many ways actively played a role in dismissing its importance.

Interestingly, the Government of West Bengal has, in the recent years, ceremoniously created a ‘Ministry of North Bengal Development’, which has not achieved much. In this context it is important to note that North Bengal provides an otherwise industrially lacklustre state two of its chief sources of revenue- tourism and tea. It is further important to note that the ethnic communities that demand political attention are not just the Gorkhas, but also the tribal communities that call the foothills their home. Mostly tea garden workers, these people have lived for almost thirteen years in abject poverty since the tea gardens started shutting down around 2002, suffering from severe hunger and conditions which the World Health Organisation standards classify as famine-indicative. Between 2002 and 2007 the region has seen more than 1000 hunger-related deaths, and it was only in 2015 that the state government offered them a meagre relief package. Administrative control over the region of North Bengal is still an issue fraught with contentions, and attention is only paid to it when the state elections loom close. This was at display when on December 19, 2015, Kalimpong was declared a separate district, and a nod towards Mirik being made a separate district was hinted at as well.

This brings us back to the personal experience of cultural Othering of an entire unique geography, that I began with. This political attention showered on the region, at moments close to elections, is made starker by its own absence during the interim.  What persists in that lull is a constant sense of either dismissal of the cultural Other, the ethnic minority in the state, or conversely a case of insidious co-opting, where in many Bengalis, in a much off-handed manner, will refer to the entire region as “our hills”. At which point, not only is it important to be alert enough to catch that cultural hegemony and shoo it away, but also go back to the truth in historicity, for the “hills” have never truly belonged to anyone. The district of Darjeeling as it currently is mapped within the Indian republic is an amalgamation of two territories- one that belonged to the princely dominion of Sikkim before it became a part of India, and other that belonged to the Bhutanese kingdom. Infact, even before becoming a part of British India, the land changed political hands repeatedly. It was annexed from Sikkim by neighbouring Nepal in 1780 and, from 1780 to 1816, ruled by Nepal, then added to the British Empire in 1817 and then handed back to the Sikkimese royalty, and then acquired as land again from Sikkim in 1835 and officially became British dominion. Thus, while the arrogance of owning and suppressing the political imaginary of an entire geography comes easy to a community that has, for long, enjoyed the advantages of cultural stereotypes in this country, it is crucial to recognise, that unless one sheds one’s own hegemonic lenses, one cannot expect the rest of the country to sit up and take notice.

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23 Years and counting , Drinking Water Project in ‎Mirik‬ Still Incomplete

12:48 PM

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mirik live news

23 Years - 7 Months and 26 Days Later Drinking Water Project for ‪Mirik‬ Still Incomplete

It has been 23 years since the then Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council started to develop the erstwhile Rai Dhap as the drinking water source for Mirik. The DGHC does not exist any more, it has been 4 years since the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) took over the administration in our hills. BUT people in Mirik are still devoid of clean and safe drinking water.

The project was taken up by Manjushree Company and construction started from the beginning of May, 1992 but the work got stopped, without completion.

In 2010 the work was restarted by Surya India Pvt Ltd but and the work was supposed to be completed by 2012, but its past half-way into 2014 and the project is no where near completion.
In the past one year we have highlighted around 10 infrastructural deficiencies that is plaguing Mirik, but there has not even been a word of response from either Bimal Gurung, Mamata Banerjee SS Ahluwalia, representatives from Mirik Municipality or any other politician.

Incomplete Drinking Water Project in ‎Mirik

It is a shame that the politicians who are supposed to take care of our place and thump their chest citing our place, have not even bothered to come and check out the situation for themselves or at get their minions to inquire and get the work done.

Pic and report: TheDC team

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Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan criticised GJM leadership and GTA

5:55 PM

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Politics

Writes: Vivek Chhetri

An association of casual employees at the GTA owing allegiance to the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha today indirectly lashed out at the party leadership and the hill body apparently frustrated over lack of progress in fulfilling their demand for regularisation of jobs.

The Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan today held a rally and a public meeting in Darjeeling to demand the immediate regularisation of the jobs of over 5,000 casual employees at the GTA.

Addressing the meeting at Chowk Bazar, Deepak Sharma, the spokesman for the JAKS, said: "We had supported the demand of Gorkhaland and we still support their demand. However, at Pintail Village (where the GTA memorandum of agreement was signed on July 18, 2011), they kept aside the demand of Gorkhaland. If such an important issue like Gorkhaland can be kept aside, we guess our demand is of no importance to them."

Without naming the Morcha, Sharma was clearly criticising the party for accepting the GTA.

"Earlier the government from the plains used to underestimate us, now the government in the hills is behaving no different," Sharma said.

He blamed the Morcha leadership administering the hill body for the problems at hand but refrained from criticising Bimal Gurung.

Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan rally  - Pic via: Himalaya Darpan

"Why have you accepted a body which is not working? Everything in the hills is in doldrums, right from the education system to the functioning of the GTA. Bimal Gurung, however, is not to be blamed as he is still helping us. But the GTA is not working," Sharma said.

This is the first time any frontal organisation of the Morcha has criticised the party leadership.

Sharma also issued a veiled warning to the Morcha leadership. "We are the ones who had played a major role in changing the previous administrative dispensation (DGHC). We hope such a situation (on the need to change the present administrative dispensation) will not arise," said Sharma. "We, however, think the GTA will not work now. We will support anybody who will help fulfil our demand."

Other leaders of the organisation also criticised the Morcha leadership for remaining aloof from the problem.

K.C. Rai, the president of the Kalimpong unit of the JAKS, said: "They have been elected as representatives of the public but we hardly get to meet them even at Lal Kothi. As Bimal Gurung is currently on a padayatra, others should be taking care of the hill body. But that is not happening."

The president of the JAKS, Machendra Subba, sought to balance things out. "Some members from Kurseong were of the opinion that if our demand was not fulfilled by December-end, we should remove the J from JAKS. However, I have told them that our problems will be addressed by the J in JAKS. We demand that the bipartite meeting between the state and GTA be held in Darjeeling and on December15 as agreed earlier," said Subba.

"The state government and the GTA should not take our demand lightly. If we do not get a favourable response at the December 15 meeting, we will intensify our agitation," he added.

Told about the criticism against the GTA and the Morcha leadership, Roshan Giri, the general secretary of the party, said: "We are serious about their problem and have been raising their issue continuously."

Asked about the bipartite meeting, Giri said: "Till date, we have not received any official communication regarding the bipartite meeting."

After the bipartite meeting on November 9, Giri had said the state government had said the next round of meeting would be held in Darjeeling on December 15.

Source - Telegraph

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All India Nepali Schedule Caste Association GTA Reservation Demand - Threaten Agitation

11:56 AM

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ST

Writes: Vivek Chhetri

The All India Nepali Schedule Caste Association today threatened to launch a dharna at Nabanna and a hunger strike after that if the state failed to start the process of amending the GTA Act in a month to provide seat reservation for the community in the hill body.

Today, 1,000-odd members of the association brought out a silent rally from Darjeeling railway station to Chowrasta.

They also demanded a development board for the community and a 100-point roster system on GTA job reservation.

G.N. Lomjel, general secretary of the association, said: "One of our main demands is seat reservation. We would request the state to start the process by amending the GTA Act in a month failing which, we will stage a dharna at Nabanna. After that, we might sit for an indefinite hunger strike."

There are 45 elected seats in the GTA and none of them are reserved. The community did not have any reservation in the 28 elected seats of the erstwhile Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council as well.

"Seat reservation in the GTA must reflect our community's population in the hills which now stands at 17.5 per cent. We are deprived since 1988 (when DGHC was formed)," said association president R. Thatal. "If the GTA Act is not amended within the winter session, we are thinking of boycotting the coming elections," he said without elaborating.

"Our other demands include formation of a development board for the SC community and job reservation in the GTA. We will also write to the National Schedule Caste Commission," Thatal added.

Morcha general secretary Roshan Giri said: "We will raise the demand at the meeting in Calcutta tomorrow."

Source: Telegraph, Pic: Himalaya Darpan

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Gorkhaland and Contractor Raj

10:27 PM

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Politics

Any person who has observed the Gorkhaland movement closely will tell you that the biggest stumbling block before any party that fights a Gorkhaland movement has been the "financial reward" its cadres/fighters seek from the party leadership. GNLF fought an armed struggle in the first Gorkhaland movement and almost all those who were part of the 1986-88 movement were rewarded financially. Since the DGHC that was formed after the movement had no authority to give permanent government jobs, it offered these men and women casual employment (~6000 in number today). But a majority of these people got "contracts" - short-term financial reward that would come in the garb of "development" of the area but was actually a "payout" for the erstwhile fighters and party supporters. The journey from revolutionary fighters to petty contractors was a plunging fall in dignity and self-respect. Even hardcore GNLF supporters agree that there was practically no development in the ~20 years of its rule in the hills. And Gorkhaland still remained a distant dream.

Cartoon on Gorkhaland and Contractor Raj

Then came the second Gorkhaland movement after the ouster of Subhash Ghisingh. People had hope that the GJM would learn from the mistakes of the past movement and take a better road to Gorkhaland. It turned out that it took an even more treacherous road! The "financial reward" scheme came into full force immediately, even before the movement had ended, and ultimately the GTA was established - a DGHC-like body that did the "payout" job for the Morcha supporters. Contract again became a coveted profession in the hills. The situation came to ridiculous proportions - a contract of building a new public office worth a few lakh rupees was "shared" by 10-11 contractors with a certain percentage to be handed over to the "party" as commission. The few years of GTA's existence has been a nightmare to people who wished well for the hills. Corruption is at its peak today. And there seems to be no end to this nightmare going by what Mr. Trilok Dewan has just revealed - contractors and drivers control the party, take all decisions, and take part in meetings with government.

When the GTA was formed, against all wishes, I had requested the top GJM leaders to curb contractor raj, stating that it later would lead to the downfall of the party like that of the GNLF. But perhaps no one was listening. Madan Tamang spoke about this contractor raj openly. He was killed in broad daylight and it was revealed that most of his attackers were petty contractors or goons of contractors of GJM. Today, these contractors “make” top decisions in GJM. No wonder they have little interest in Gorkhaland and more interest in GTA – their payout system.


Via Gorkhaland Premi

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Netaji and Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri: Muddled Legacies

2:11 PM

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Ram Singh Thakuri

A veteran had once observed, "We wish Netaji were alive after India gained independence, had he been, history would have treated Gorkhalis much more kindly, for he knew the truth about how Gorkhalis fought alongside him for INA."

The loss of Netaji was felt by everyone, but most of all it was felt by those who served directly under him. The INA vetrans never got their dues, and those who were left behind had to face enourmous humiliation. Perhaps the person who directly served under Netaji and yet was most humiliated was none other than Gorkhali great Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri, the soldier who gave music to INA songs like "Kadam Kadam Badaye Ja."

Capt. Thakuri was asked by Netaji to re-compose Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore's version of Jana Gana Mana in a martial tune to which INA soldiers could march to. On Netaji's request INA Capt. Abid Ali with the help of Mumtaz Hussain rewrote Gurudev’s Gana Gana Mana (which he had written in Sanskritised Bengali) in Hindusthani as “शुभ सुख चैन - Subha Skhuh Chain ki Barsha Barse” which was adopted as the national anthem (Qaumi Tarana) by the Provisional Free Government of India (Arzi Hukumat-e-Azad Hind) led by Netaji. The original tune for Jana Gana Mana was composed by Gurudev Tagore, however it was Capt. Thakuri who gave it the form we sing it in today.

Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri seen here welcoming Mahatma Gandhi along with his fellow INA mates

शुभ सुख चैन was first played as the national anthem of free India first time on 11 September 1942 at Hamburg, and Capt. Thakuri was especially invited to play Jana Gana Mana when Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru unfurled the Tiranga from Lal Quila. In 1950, it was decided that Jana Gana Mana will remain India’s national anthem, the version of the tune was the one that had been composed by Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri [original version can be heard here: http://youtu.be/GsNE0-HY0qI]

However, when the then DGHC brought out an AD crediting Capt. Thakuri with giving tune to Jana Gana Mana, many “bhadraloks” were rattled, and they went on to abuse Capt. Thakuri, one of Netaji’s own nephew even went on to the extent of even saying, “[the tune] could not have been composed by a Gorkha." Another Rabindra Sangeet exponent Subinoy Roy had even said, "The anthem was set to tune by none other than Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore; just imagine a Gorkha soldier doing that; after all it requires some knowledge of that class and its basics," which had then prompted CPRM to file a defamation case against Subinoy Roy, one wonders what ever might have been the outcome of that case? [details here: http://goo.gl/aGppe7]

Letter written by Capt. Lakshmi Sahgal of INA to Ms. Jyoti Thapa Mani, who confirmed
the Jana Gana Mana martial tune was composed by Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri

Capt. Thakuri continued to serve his vocation in music and he always cherish his Netaji Gold Medal which he had been awarded personally by Netaji in 1943, over George VI medal he had won in 1937, or later the President Police Medal he won in 1972.

Netaji had cherished Capt. Thakuri and his music and it is evident from the fact that Netji had gifted Capt. Thakuri a violin and a saxophone as gifts.

Had Netaji been alive, the controversy over who gave tune to India’s national anthem would never have arisen, and perhaps Gorkhalis would not have to clamour for the right to self-determination so much. He knew the truth and chances are he would have supported the soldiers who fought alongside him. Netaji’s loss is not only a loss for West Bengal, but a loss to all Indians who are patriotic, sincere and honest.

Via  The Darjeeling Chronicle

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Mahendra P Lama blames GTA for sluggish development in the hills

10:44 AM

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Politics

Renowned educationist and former vice chancellor of Central University of Sikkim, Dr Mahendra P Lama has blamed the GTA for sluggish development in the hills, accusing the hill body of being wielded by the state government just to administer the region. Sharpening his attack on the GJM chief Bimal Guung, Lama said: “The GTA has failed to work effectively in the Darjeeling hills as it is always running under the clutches of the Trinamool run state government. There are not much important development works done by the department, as people in many remote villages are still deprived of basic necessities. GTA chief Bimal Gurung and his aides should learn foresightedness, as it seems they are unable to see history repeating itself in the hills. During the administration of the GNLF party headed by Subash Ghising, the CPIM who was in power then cleverly devised the DGHC to sidetrack the party from the statehood demand. Likewise, following the footsteps of its arch rival, the TMC coined the GTA to distract Gurung and his party from demanding Gorkhaland. If the situation persists for long, then the GTA chief may have to shoulder all that Subash Ghising underwent.  

Lama blames GTA and Gurung for sluggish
development in the hills

“The TMC has built the GTA as a helicopter for the people of Darjeeling hills, but fitted the wheels of a tractor underneath. So how can the engine take flight? Inert polity and static development in the region will one day lead to vigorous agitation which would pulverize not only Darjeeling district but also north Bengal,” said Lama speaking to Hindusthan Samachar over the phone.

Expressing happiness over the Kailash Masarovar pass being opened in Sikkim, Lama said, “In the years 2005 and 2006, I had sent a report to the Centre asking for opening of the route wherein I had even mentioned areas of north Bengal such as Malbazaar, Gorubathan and Pedong be opened for the sacred pilgrimage.” Opening of the routes will boost the economy of the region, he added. (HS)

Source- EOI

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Now GNLF to demand Gorkhaland statehood

8:16 AM

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Politics

Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) will now move from demanding 6th Scheduled to Gorkhaland statehood. This decision was taken at a high level meeting of GNLF central committee members.

Mann Ghising addressing a GNLF rally

According to sources GNLF was forced to re-raise the Gorkhaland demand after the Central and the state government failed to live upto their promise of inducting the GTA [earlier DGHC] region into Schedule VI area of the Indian constitution.

The meeting was chaired by Mann Ghising the son of Late. Subash Ghising and was attended by all the high ranking members of GNLF.

Source: TheDC

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DYFI threatens hunger strike over Vacant Posts in the Hill

7:18 AM

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Jobs News

The CPM-affiliated Democratic Youth Federation of India on Thursday threatened to start a hunger strike demanding the state government and the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration to fill up vacant posts in various departments.

DYFI threatens hunger strike over
Vacant Posts in the Hill
Pic via: Himalaya Darpan

Speaking to reporters in Darjeeling, DYFI district president Rajesh Kadaria said, “Hundreds of posts are lying vacant in several departments of the state government and the GTA. But nothing has been done to fill them up, leaving many youths of the hills unemployed.” He warned of calling a hunger strike if no concrete measures were taken to address the DYFI’s demand within a month.

“We will sit on hunger strike outside Lalkothi, the GTA headquarters. We will wait for a month to see what the state government and the GTA do and plan our action accordingly,” said the DYFI leader. He also did not mince any words to denounce Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee as not being sincere towards the people of the hills. “The chief minister says Darjeeling is her heart whenever she visits the hills. However, even after more than three years at the helm, she has failed to address the burning issue of recruiting candidates to vacant posts,” said Kadaria. According to him, more than 30,000 posts are up for grabs in various departments of the state government and the GTA. “I got the details from an RTI I had filed some time ago. Anyone can cross check my claim,” he said.

At present, vacant posts in primary and higher secondary schools alone stand at 3,800, said Kadaria. Similarly, the health department has 1,800 vacant spots, land and land reform 439, panchayat 560, while BDO and SDO offices have 246 and 192, respectively. Further, the district magistrate office (groups C and D) has 124 unoccupied posts, the forest department 364 while the three municipalities in the hills have more than 600 vacancies. The information and cultural affairs department of the state government currently has 74 posts vacant, the food and supply department 271, while hospitals in the hills face a shortage of doctors of at least 200, said the DYFI leader.

Kadaria also blamed the GTA for not taking proactive steps to address the issue. “The GTA is meant to address issues concerning the hills. But it has neither gone into action nor pressurise the state government into filling up the vacancies,” he said, adding the situation at present is the same as it was during the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council era.

Source: Eoi

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