Showing posts with label Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. Show all posts

Plight of Indian Gorkhas - have to decide what they really want?

11:12 AM
The Indian Gorkhas have to decide now as to what they really want and where they want to go from here.

While India vies for a global position, various communities in the country are reasserting their roles and striving to get maximum mileage from the country’s global entry. Many of them have already devoured the political and development pie. Every community wants to be a player and a difference maker. The game is on. Meanwhile, more than 10 million Indian Gorkhas find themselves at the crossroads.

The Indian Gorkhas have to decide now as to what they really want and where they want to go from here. Should they go with the rest of India to compete at the regional, national and global levels? Should they reorient their community thinking, redesign their societal approaches and restructure their collective action? Should the younger generation ‘re-focus’ on education that will make them professionally competitive?
Plight of Indian Gorkhas - have to decide what they really want?
Can they afford to cling on to their Khukuris and be driven by emotions, while they have the capability to be an example of ‘knowledge generation’? They could use the same blood, sweat and tears to re-identify and re-position themselves as the gyan-vir (literally, knowledge brave) and acquire national leadership. They have done it in the past at an individual level and now they have to do it collectively as this path provides an entry into the club of a national entity.

All the flaws
The Indian Gorkhas are known for integrity, courage, resilience and perseverance. They have a rich culture, tradition and unwritten intellectual heritage. They have made immense contributions in almost all the fields of the nation-building process both in the pre- and post-independence period.

It is a historic folly on their part that nobody from them made an effort to deconstruct and reconstruct their history in independent India. Therefore, the historical narratives on them at the national level are biased or remain largely untold. Nobody wrote an exclusive history of the Gorkhas in India. —a shocking degree of intellectual-gap. This is where they failed. This is a major societal failure and a reflection of a self-centric political leadership.

The Indian Gorkhas have a distinct disadvantage in that they are scattered geographically all across the country. In terms of population, they are a minuscule lot. They are one of the least educated communities. Economically, they remain deeply downtrodden and have no national forum to champion their cause.

Their present political leaderships have been of sub-regional character with a myopic vision, which has failed them in every respect. They are ignorant to the core, marginalised by virtue of their background and acts, and highly self-centric. These leaders are seemingly full of emotions, hollow promises and dangerous instincts of self-survival. And, they do not count at the national level at all; they have merely become local lords.

As a result, the national image and power of the Indian Gorkhas have steadily eroded and been widely stigmatised. It has jeopardised the very future of the next generation. Some of them, like in Sikkim, have done irreparable damage by dangerously dividing the Gorkhas into different castes and religious entities. And the Bengal administration has only replicated this model in Darjeeling by creating ‘development boards’ based on caste and creed. This is the least expensive approach to kill the demand for a separate state. History will never forgive this retrogressive policy of these leaders.

Change in discourse
For a new future for the Indian Gorkhas, their steady entry into the policy and decision-making processes and institutions of the country is essential. Many of them have done it in the past in education, national security, sports, media, music, corporate institutions, literature and even politics. This is how a small district like Darjeeling produced 5-8 Olympic players, possibly a record in the country. However, as opposed to the trickle in the past, they have to join the India’s up-and-coming generation in hordes.

They should no longer overplay their weakest conventional excuse of “hepyo, chhutayo, atyachar garyo, apthyaro lagyo” (looked down upon, discriminated, persecuted, felt embarrassed). They cannot rise and fight with the spirit of someone vanquished. They cannot play outside the field and lament about discrimination to the referees of the game, the public. This amounts to using the weakest weapon against strong opponents.

Relatively successful Indian Gorkhas are emphatic: “If we are weak in knowledge and arguments, and shy away from competition, the story of discrimination becomes more about manko bagh (tiger within oneself) rather than banko bagh (tiger in the jungle).” India is a nation of innumerable communities, unparalleled geographies and diverse development stages along with a plethora of scattered democratic institutions. Thus, the Indian Gorkhas are left with only two choices: either to fall into the crevice or climb the mountain.

An example of poor choice is the discontinuation and refusal of ‘constitutionally provided’ Panchayati Raj institutions in Darjeeling since 1991 and the wilful acceptance of non-performing, capricious and cantankerous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (1988-2007) and Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (2012), which was provided through a ‘gazette notification’ by a very hesitant and cunning state of West Bengal.

Rights under Panchayat Raj are constitutionally given to the people everywhere in India. Here the Indian Gorkhas sacrificed the Constitution of India for a mere gazette notification with hugely deleterious implications. What can be more paralysing and unfortunate that this?

However, they made a rational choice when they nationally fought for the recognition of the Nepali language in the Eighth Schedule to the Constitution of India in 1992. All India Nepali Bhasha Samity, Bharatiya Nepali Rastriya Parishad and many other institutions and individuals across India deserve kudos for this.

Playing the game
The scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and the other backward classes among the Indian Gorkhas have a distinct place and recognition in the constitution of India like others belonging to the same categories across the country. Yet, why do others succeed in becoming IAS/IFS officers in hordes and but the Indian Gorkhas hardly figure in the higher echelons of bureaucracy, governance and other national institutions? This is a tragedy that has been perennially repeated. Where is the discrimination? It is an open competition for all.

We see this so blatantly and remarkably when we sit in the Interview Board of the Union Public Service Commission to select government officers. The children from the hills are actually equally bright, quick, multi-cultural in thinking and have untapped competitive instincts. Yet they are nowhere in the competition. Who will tell the inspiring words of “timile garnu sakchhou” (You can do it!) to the young Gorkha children? Who will inject confidence and courage in them? Their confidence should be built better from the societal level.

The Indian Gorkhas have to rebuild modern institutions and revive the traditional ones that keep them united and vibrant. This is what we did while setting up and building a central university in Sikkim—an institution with a global perspective, national orientation and strong local ethos. The hope lies in the resurrection and active role of Gorkha youths to come together from across the nation and question their incompetent leaders. This requires a renegotiation within the pan-Indian Gorkha community, with a focus on the larger issues of aspirations of the youths and emerging national and global opportunities for them.


Via thestatesman

Roshan Giri writes to state education minister to regularise the voluntary teachers

2:21 PM
DARJEELING 29 Jun 2016 GTA Sabhasad and education department executive Roshan Giri has written to state education minister Partha Chatterjee reminding him about his assurance to regularise the voluntary teachers engaged on temporary basis since several years in various schools of the hills.

Around 515 voluntary teachers under the aegis of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha-affiliated Janmukti Insecure Secondary Teachers' Organisation (JISTO) who are demanding permanent status have even  threatened to quit the organisation if the party leadership failed to find a solution to their case. The Sabhasad has brought to the notice of the minister the assurance given by him during a meeting in Kolkata in December 2015 to regularise all voluntary teachers. “A GTA and JISTO delegation had met minister Chatterjee in Kolkata last year. Chatterjee had then assured them to form an ad-hoc board to appoint the 515 voluntary teachers based on their eligibility and register of appointment. At that time the minister had also said the appointment would be confined only to the 515 voluntary teachers,” Giri said.
Roshan Giri
Roshan Giri 
On the contrary, on May 20 of this year, the joint secretary of the state school education department wrote to the home and hill affairs department informing him that regularisation, absorption and appointment of voluntary teachers in the GTA could not be entertained until they secure their candidature through the West Bengal School Service Commission. “We want the voluntary teachers to be regularised but it is the state government that is creating obstacles. There is lot of resentment among the voluntary teachers who have given their prime time. The growing frustration can lead to bigger problems in the future and anything can happen,” warned Giri.

There are presently 515 teachers in more than 129 junior, high and higher secondary schools in the GTA area working on voluntary basis. However, these teachers have not been able to appear or  take their SSC examination as it has become defunct since 2003 during the tenure of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council.

Giri, who is also the GJM general secretary, said that Basudeb Banerjee, the then state home secretary, said in a meeting in 2014 that a decision had been taken to enhance the salary of the voluntary teachers but this is yet to be implemented. He said the party has also written to state panchayat and rural development minister Subrata Mukherjee, requesting him to fill vacant posts in the Sishu Siksha  Kendra (SSK) and Madhyamik Siksha Kendra (MSK). “In the 539 SSKs in the hills there are 1,060 vacancies, while in 67 MSKs 63 posts are available. But nothing has been done to fill the posts.

We have also requested the minister to establish a separate accounts section of the SSK and MSK in the hills,” Giri said.

(EOIC)


JAKS Intensifies agitation, will close GTA offices from June 20

10:33 AM
DARJEELING 17 Jun 2016 Intensifying its ongoing agitation, the Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) today announced it would enforce the closure of the engineering cells of the various offices of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration from Monday till a solution to its demand for increasing the salary of Group A and B employees is arrived at.

Engineers, doctors, managers and curators, who fall under Groups A and B of the GTA, have begun an indefinite cease-work from June 13. Their demand is enhancement of salary as per an order issued in February 2016 by the finance department of the state government.

“We started the agitation on June 13 and will intensify it in phases. We have decided to close all the engineering cells of the GTA from Monday to press our demand. We know our decision could create problems for the general public and feel sorry, but we request everyone to support the agitation,” said Deepak Sharma, the JAKS spokesperson.
Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) at Lal Kothi

At the same time, Sharma said the present deadlock had eased a bit as the GTA had initiated dialogues with them. The GTA principal secretary and secretary, the deputy chief executive and Sabhasads held a meeting in the afternoon with JAKS representatives at Lal Kothi to discuss the issue. It was decided that the principal secretary would hold talks with the state government and a GTA delegation would leave for Kolkata soon.

“The deadlock has been broken and talks have started. However, we will continue our agitation of assembling outside Lal Kothi and close the engineering cells. We will also head to Kolkata as part of the GTA delegation for talks with the state government,” Sharma said.

The JAKS agitation reached its fifth day today with 147 engineers, 120 school teachers, eight doctors, two managers and one curator ceasing work. The other demand the JAKS is spearheading is the regularisation of 5,321 workers of the GTA who were originally on contractual basis with the now-defunct Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council.

EOIC


Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan confines GTA officials to their chambers at Lal Kothi

DARJEELING 15 Jun 2016 Members of the Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS), an umbrella organisation of casual workers, today confined the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration chief principal secretary and a sabhasad to their chambers at Lal Kothi pressing for enhanced incentives.

More than 200 Group A and B employees comprising doctors, engineers, managers and curators of the GTA under the aegis of JAKS are on an indefinite cease-work agitation since June 13.

They have been assembling every morning before the main gate at Lal Kothi, but refuse to do any work.

Today, the agitators reached Lal Kothi around ten in the morning and headed straight into the administrative building. GTA chief principal secretary Ravinder Singh, secretary Don Bosco Lepcha   and Sabhasad Binay Tamang were in their chambers. Executive directors and executive engineers of the GTA had gathered inside for a meeting with the chief principal secretary.
Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) file photo
The officials were all taken aback when informed about the gherao by the JAKS, who by then had blocked their chambers. Visitors were also not allowed to enter the Lal Kothi building.

“It is part of our agitation to press for our demand. We confined the officials to their chambers from morning till evening. We will intensify our agitation and even stop all work of the GTA in the coming days,” warned Deepak Sharma, the JAKS spokesperson.

The officials were confined to their chambers till four in the evening and allowed to leave office only afterwards. The GTA chief principal secretary did not want to talk to the press but the Tamang said,

“The chief principal secretary should initiate dialogues with the agitators. There are several development projects on the pipeline and if the agitation continues, it can be a hindrance. One must also note that the monsoon has started in the hills and there are every chances of calamities occurring."

In February, the state finance department issued Order No.1107-F (P) dated February 25, 2016 to revise the benefits and salary of the GTA contractual workers. The order also stated that it had been  decided to enhance the remuneration by 3 per cent every year. Group C and D workers started getting their enhanced pay from April. However, the JAKS’s contention is that although Group A and B employees, presently receiving Rs13,500 to Rs21,000, are also mentioned in the state government order, they have been kept out of the enhanced pay structure.

There are 5,321 workers employed in the various departments of the GTA, who, initially, worked under the erstwhile Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) on contractual appointment for meager payments.


(EOIC)


GTA Casual workers threaten agitation over regularization issue

12:48 PM
Darjeeling 12 May 2016 Casual workers employed in the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) today threatened to start an agitation next month to pursue their long-pending demand for regularization.

The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha-affiliated Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS), today held a ‘pratanidhi sabha’ or a representatives’ meeting and passed a resolution to take up the regularisation issue as also to demand a raise to their salary once the Assembly results are out.

Briefing reporters after the meeting, JAKS general secretary Kishan Gurung said, “We have waited a long time on year after year of government assurances, but nothing concrete has materialised. Our members are frustrated now. We have given the state government a deadline till June of this year to address our demand; otherwise we will take to the streets.”

Today’s meeting was attended by representatives of 42 units, from Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong, Mirik, Bijanbari and Tukdah. The GTA presently employs 5,300 workers on temporary basis. These workers were earlier employed under the now-defunct Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council on meagre remunerations.
GTA Casual workers threaten agitation over regularization issue
Deepak Sharma and Kisan Gurung - spokesman for the Jamukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan - a file photo
After a series of agitations between 2008 and 2011, the then state government had assured to employ 2,372 workers on permanent basis, but that promise has failed to see the light of day. “We will write to the new government about our demand and the resolution we passed today,” Gurung said.

The GJM too, has taken up the regularisation issue in many rounds of bipartite and tripartite talks with the state and central governments as the matter finds mention in the GTA agreement and act.

Further, the JAKS wants the state government to include in practicality the group A and B employees under the enhanced pay structure. Presently, the state government has implemented a pay-band structure with a ceiling for the casual workers. In March this year, the state government enhanced the salary of the workers, but only group C and D workers have benefited. “Only C and D group workers’ salaries have increased and not of the A and B grades even though they are included under the enhanced pay structure as per the state government order,” pointed out Machendra Subba, the JAKS president.

After the enhancement, group C and D workers are getting Rs 22,500 and Rs12,000, respectively per month. Prior to that, the amounts were Rs 8,500 and Rs 6,500, respectively. Meantime, engineers, doctors, high school teachers and managers, who come under the A and B groups, get paid anywhere between Rs 13,500 and Rs 26,000.

Another resolution the casual workers discussed and passed was on the interference in the independent functioning of the GTA. The JAKS has demanded changes in the GTA agreement and act to negate unnecessary meddling by the state government on issues already transferred to the GTA so as to ensure its autonomy in the true sense of the word.

(EOIC)


Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland - Story of every election in West Bengal

6:34 PM
Why Gorkhaland is still a hot issue in Darjeeling when azadi from West Bengal is a non-starter

Delhi and Kolkata have both effectively shut the door on a separate hill state for the Nepali-speaking district.

It is the story of every election in West Bengal: Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland, a separate hill state, partitioned from the plains of Bengal. And it is the same as it votes on Sunday in the West Bengal Assembly elections.

Political demands are always contested, but it is true that the Darjeeling region was never politically a part of Bengal in any form. It was annexed by the British Raj in 1850, taken from an exceedingly weak Sikkim, a princely state itself annexed by India in 1975. Bundled into the Bengal presidency by the British, Darjeeling has remained in Bengal even after 1947. This is even after the 1955 States Reorganisation Committee had successfully arranged Indian states according to language. Nepali-speaking Darjeeling district, therefore, is an incongruous part of Bangla-speaking West Bengal.
Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland
Amar Singh Rai, the Darjeeling constituency candidate for the Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha is clear that the demand for Gorkhaland is based on ethnic identity. “We want a homeland for ourselves ­–­ for our own identity,” he said. “Although we are bona fide Indian citizens, we are still called ‘Nepali’. To get rid of the stigma we feel it’s essential that we have our own state.”

Popular demand
The Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha is the largest party in Darjeeling and it campaigns on almost a single-point agenda: the creation of a Gorkhaland state. The popularity of the Gorkhaland demand can be seen from the fact that in the 2011 Assembly elections, the GJM picked up 79% of all votes caste across the three constituencies in Darjeeling district. In Darjeeling town, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), widely seen as a Bengali party in the hills, received all of 3.5% of the votes cast.

Rai alleges that there is ethnic discrimination at play here, with the hills being ignored by the Kolkta's Bengali rulers. “Gorkhaland is a right of self-determination for us since West Bengal is oblivious to us,” Rai charged. “They don’t care about the tea industry or the rights of the tea garden workers.”

Support for Gorkhaland is starkly visible across Darjeeling town. Stores invariably list their address as “Gorkhaland” rather than the “West Bengal” it officially is.

Anup Chhetri sells winter wear in the busy Chowk Bazar area of Darjeeling town and is clear in his support for a new state. “We who live here need to decide what will happen with our land,” he argued. “How can people sitting in Kolkata or Delhi decide things about our home?”

Pie in the sky
In spite of this fervour, the Gorkhaland demand is now widely seen as a pipe dream. The demand has existed in some form or the other for a century now, culminating in a violent agitation in the 1980s led by the Gorkha National Liberation Front. The agitation led to the creation of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, a local government body to which the state government transferred some administrative powers. A 2007 agitation led by a new party and current incumbent, the Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha, led to the formation of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, with its powers expanded vis-à-vis the earlier Hill Council.

The revenue from the tea and tourism industry, though, means that Kolkata is extremely reluctant to let go of Darjeeling completely. And while the final decision to create a new state rests with the Union government – and not West Bengal – given the tiny population of Darjeeling, no ruling party in Delhi would wish to antagonise Kolkata. The political trade-off in terms of support from Darjeeling is simply too small.

Cracks in Gorkhaland
Recognising this ground politics at play, critics of the all-or-nothing demand for Gorkhaland have also emerged. From the Kalimpong constituency, the Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha is being opposed by Harka Bahadur Chettri, who broke away from the GJM in 2015, complaining that their voluble demand for Gorkhaland was simply a ploy to garner votes and one that was actually harming the development of the region.

This is not the only dissension at play. During her term as chief minister, Mamata Banerjee created multiple “development boards” aimed at specific minority ethnicities, other than the majority Gorkhas ­– a move that Amar Singh Rai angrily characterised as a “policy of divide and rule”. In the past five years, Kolkata has formed six boards for the Lepcha, Tamang, Rai, Sherpa, Bhutia and Mangar communities. Even the Trinamool candidate from Siliguri town, another Gorkha-Bengali contested space, is a Bhutia – India’s best-know footballer, Baichung Bhutia.

These ground realities mean that no matter the fervour on the ground and its use as a vote catcher, the creation of an actual Gorkha state seems quite unlikely.


Via scroll.in


Gorkhaland is only our Solution & “NOTA” is only our Option !

4:40 PM
Writes Gorkhas N Gorkhaland

No Candidate Deserves My Vote! 
No State No Vote ! 
Beware of Vote ! 
Vote is our Enemy ! 
Gorkhaland is only our Solution & “NOTA” is only our Option ! 

NOTA, (None of the Above) also known as "against all", is a ballot option in Indian electoral system, designed to allow the voter to indicate disapproval of all of the candidates in a voting system.

On 27 September 2013, the Supreme Court of India ruled that the right to register a "NOTA" vote in elections should apply, and ordered the Election Commission to provide such a button in the electronic voting machines.

Even though NOTA are considered as invalid votes, however it is also counted and recorded as rejection of all, in the general election 2014 NOTA polled 1.1% of the votes which counted to over 6 million votes.

Why NOTA for Gorkhaland ?
The state and the name of Gorkhaland is quite necessary for entire settled Gorkhas in India for the sake of their clear and distinct Indian identity so as to distinguish themselves from people of Nepal. As we the Indian Gorkhas have always been look down as an emigrant / foreigners who have come from Nepal in search of their livelihood, permitted as per the Indo- Nepal treaty of 1950.

Moreover, the essence of Grokhaland is not only the development or the creation of statehood within the republic of India BUT to resolve the “Identity Crisis” of Indian Gorkhas by creating a separate state of Gorkhaland “OUT of West Bengal”. I may not be wrong, if I say the Grokha struggle of separation from Bengal is the longest ongoing struggle in the history of modern Indian, as it goes long back to 1907:

Historical chronology of Gorkha struggle in the State of West Bengal: 
1907 - The demand for a separate administrative set up for Gorkhas were submitted by the leaders of the Hill People to the British Government.

1929, the Hillmen's Association again raised the same demand before the Simon Commission.

1930, a joint petition was submitted by Hillmen's Association, Gorkha Officers Association and the Kurseong Gorkha Library to the Secretary of the State of India, Samuel Hoare for separation from the province of Bengal.

1941, the Hillmen's Association under the presidency of Rup Narayan Sinha urged the Secretary of State of India, Lord Pethick Lawrence, to exclude Darjeeling from the province of Bengal and make it a Chief Commissioners Province.

1952, ALGI under the presidency of N.B. Gurung met Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India in Kalimpong and submitted a memorandum demanding the separation from Bengal.

1980 – 1988, Subash Ghisingh demand for a “Separate State” named “Gorkhaland” the movement gained serious momentum with a violent agitation. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of 1st semiautonomous body for Gorkhas in India in the year1988 called Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and also forced the government to release the Gazette Notification on the citizenship Issue of Indian Gorkhas on 23rd August 1988 declaring all Indian Gorkhas to be the citizen of India.

2007, Bimal Gurung raised the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland once again but land up signed an agreement for the formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, a semiautonomous body, thus, replacing the DGHC in the Darjeeling hills.

Though it’s been more than 100 years we have been struggling to separate from the state of Bengal, however, we are still prisoned under the administrative set up of West Bengal. Through we firmly believe in the democracy of our nation BUT we should strongly voice out the suppressive, discriminatory, dissection attitude of Bengal, further Accepting the Legislative Assembly and the electorate process of Bengal also means Accepting, Welcoming and Glorifying the state Administration of West Bengal.

Therefore why not use the power of Right to Reject (NOTA) on the electronic voting machine so as to express our opinion constitutionally and show our solidarity towards the issue of Gorkhaland as we no longer intend to accept the imperialism of Bengal.

Hence, it is our duty as a responsible gorkha citizen to think, think thrice before we VOTE, and vote not just politically BUT wisely !

No state No Vote !
Beware of Vote !
Vote is our Enemy !
Gorkhaland is only our Solution & “NOTA” is only our Option !

GTA Casual workers welcome state govt’s salary increase order

9:46 PM

Darjeeling 29 Feb 2016 The casual workers of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration have welcomed the state government’s decision to increase their salary even as they said their long pending demand for regularisation should also be addressed ahead of the Assembly election. The state government’s finance department has issued Order No.1107-F (P) dated February 25, 2016 to revise the benefits and salary of the contractual workers. More than 5,000 workers in the GTA are working on contract basis and they have long been demanding for regularisation. The workers were initially inducted into the now-defunct Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) on contract basis and were paid meagre amounts as remuneration.

In 2007, workers under the aegis of the Janmukti Asthayi Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) started an agitation demanding permanent status.

In 2011, the state government came up with a formula and put the casual workers in a pay-band structure that included employees of the A and B categories as well. Accordingly, Grade C and D casual workers who had been receiving a monthly salary of Rs2,500 started getting between Rs7,000 and Rs8,500 from 2011. Now, the state government has proposed to increase the salary of the grade C and D workers to Rs20,000 and Rs22,000, respectively, provided the workers have been working for more than 20 years. This aside, the state government has also decided to enhance the remuneration by 3 per cent every year. Welcoming the order, JAKS spokesperson Deepak Sharma said today, “Our primary demand is and will remain regularisation. But we definitely welcome the state government’s decision to increase our salary because this was the need of the hour.” The JAKS had also filed a petition in the high court seeking regularisation and the appeal has been upheld. The state government was directed to start the process of regularisation but it is yet to be implemented. “We sought the court’s help and received a positive verdict. However, the regularisation process has not yet started and we fail to understand why despite the court’s directive. It appears the state government has some plan up its sleeves and the increase in salary is just a diversion,” Sharma said. At present, the GTA has 5,321 casual workers in its payroll with grade C and D employees comprising nearly 90 per cent of the workforce. The state government’s order mentions these workers, but there are no specifications for Grade A and B employees even though they are also included in the existing pay-band structure. “We want the state government to look into this aspect also as the Grade A and B workers are being left out of the increment. We feel that since there isn’t any A and B grade in Bengal, the state government may have overlooked this aspect with regard to the hills while making the revision,” the JAKS spokesperson said.

(EOIC)

Gorkhaland and the Curse of Political Invisibility

10:16 AM
Writes Mouli Banerjee

I have the first thirty seconds of introduction to a new person, more often than not, well-rehearsed by now. I pronounce my name the way it was intended, receive a blank look, smile and say “Call me Molly.”

They ask, “Are you from Kolkata?”

“No,” I say, “I’m from Siliguri,” *wait for three seconds* “… near Darjeeling.”

At this point, depending on who I am talking to, the response is sometimes, “In Assam?” Sometimes, “I know Siliguri. I went to Sikkim *insert number* of years back,” and once in awhile, “Ah, nice tea.”

On one rare occasion, a then-stranger, who later went on to become a close acquaintance, said, “The tastiest bananas in the Kolkata market come from Siliguri!” That one was new for me, and I haven’t heard it again since.

Living away from home for as long as I have, one realises that in a country like India, people from other parts find it easier to perhaps arrange their cultural imagination by reducing you or your cultural baggage to the closest ‘signifier’. And yet, being a Marathi isn’t as easily reductible to hailing from Mumbai, being a Punjabi to hailing from Chandigarh, or even being Tamilian to be from Chennai. Not the way being Bengali implies hailing from Kolkata. This begs the question of the degrees of cultural hegemony that are at work here, and whether there are political and social implications to it.

Being born and brought up in North Bengal, I know that not only do we speak in a dialect and intonation different from that heard in Kolkata, but we also have a slightly different cuisine, and often, a different set of cultural and political memories. Most Bengalis in North Bengal, for example, carry with them a generational memory of the turbulent 1970s in a way that is not much talked about in cultural representations of the period. Only a few kilometres away from Siliguri is a place called Naxalbari (from which the ‘Naxalite movement’ gets its name), and without knowing the political implications of it, we celebrated Charu Majumdar’s birthday every year in morning assemblies at our convent school. There are many implications of a possible cultural hegemony that the idea of “Kolkata” serves to exercise, but this article tries, in brief, to understand the specific political implications of such hegemony, with reference to the Gorkhaland movement.

The demand for a separate statehood for the Hills of Darjeeling and the surrounding Tarai region arose in the 1950s. The rising resentment resulted in violent conflict in the mid-1980s, when under the leadership of Subhash Ghising, the militant Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) took charge of the movement. The violence increased, with the use of illegal arms with which the youth in the Hills were politically mobilised, and reached its peak in 1988, at which point the Government of West Bengal conceded in order to come to an agreement with the GNLF through diplomatic talks. This part may be familiar to a few, who have perhaps read the mildly biased account of the movement in Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss.

In 1988, a tripartite agreement between the GNLF, the State government, and the Government of India was signed. The compromise, which allowed the creation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) and the granting of citizenship to pre-1950 settlers, worked for two decades, but the demand for a separate state continued.

This resentment has huge political implications on the development of the entire region. The GNLF boycotted the Lok Sabha elections of 1996, 1998 and 1999. When the movement saw a resurgence in 2006, with the coming to the forefront of the the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), under the leadership of Bimal Gurung, it effectively tried to construct a new, singular Gorkha identity, and supplemented it with a cultural attire and a unified language (which many historians have questioned). However, this resurgence gave away to one of the movement’s most violent moments, when on May 21, 2010, Madan Tamang, the leader of the Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League (ABGL), was hacked to death in broad daylight by a group of unidentified men. The case is still sub-judice at the Kolkata High Court.

What needs to be shed light on, though, is how this turmoil, and the demands that come with it, have been conveniently boxed in and sanitized by the state administration for decades, and how, because of that, the entire region didn’t see much development till after 2006. Since 2009, the Lok Sabha constituency of Darjeeling has been the only one in West Bengal to have been won by the Bharatiya Janata Party (which otherwise is not politically a strong contender in the state) twice in a row, each time on the promise that if elected to the Centre, the representative shall push for a separate Gorkhaland. None of it has amounted to anything because the region or its demands do not yet find adequate space in the nation’s political imagery.

I would like to, at this point, clarify that this is not a post in favour of the demand for a separate state, but I hold that position mainly because I believe administering governance here would be rather difficult owing to the geographical location of the region, the strategic security concerns, as well as the consequent lack of resources. Yet, at the same time, one cannot deny the truth in the primary reason for the resentment- that the state, and its administration not only does not acknowledge the cultural difference of the region, but also, over decades, has in many ways actively played a role in dismissing its importance.

Interestingly, the Government of West Bengal has, in the recent years, ceremoniously created a ‘Ministry of North Bengal Development’, which has not achieved much. In this context it is important to note that North Bengal provides an otherwise industrially lacklustre state two of its chief sources of revenue- tourism and tea. It is further important to note that the ethnic communities that demand political attention are not just the Gorkhas, but also the tribal communities that call the foothills their home. Mostly tea garden workers, these people have lived for almost thirteen years in abject poverty since the tea gardens started shutting down around 2002, suffering from severe hunger and conditions which the World Health Organisation standards classify as famine-indicative. Between 2002 and 2007 the region has seen more than 1000 hunger-related deaths, and it was only in 2015 that the state government offered them a meagre relief package. Administrative control over the region of North Bengal is still an issue fraught with contentions, and attention is only paid to it when the state elections loom close. This was at display when on December 19, 2015, Kalimpong was declared a separate district, and a nod towards Mirik being made a separate district was hinted at as well.

This brings us back to the personal experience of cultural Othering of an entire unique geography, that I began with. This political attention showered on the region, at moments close to elections, is made starker by its own absence during the interim.  What persists in that lull is a constant sense of either dismissal of the cultural Other, the ethnic minority in the state, or conversely a case of insidious co-opting, where in many Bengalis, in a much off-handed manner, will refer to the entire region as “our hills”. At which point, not only is it important to be alert enough to catch that cultural hegemony and shoo it away, but also go back to the truth in historicity, for the “hills” have never truly belonged to anyone. The district of Darjeeling as it currently is mapped within the Indian republic is an amalgamation of two territories- one that belonged to the princely dominion of Sikkim before it became a part of India, and other that belonged to the Bhutanese kingdom. Infact, even before becoming a part of British India, the land changed political hands repeatedly. It was annexed from Sikkim by neighbouring Nepal in 1780 and, from 1780 to 1816, ruled by Nepal, then added to the British Empire in 1817 and then handed back to the Sikkimese royalty, and then acquired as land again from Sikkim in 1835 and officially became British dominion. Thus, while the arrogance of owning and suppressing the political imaginary of an entire geography comes easy to a community that has, for long, enjoyed the advantages of cultural stereotypes in this country, it is crucial to recognise, that unless one sheds one’s own hegemonic lenses, one cannot expect the rest of the country to sit up and take notice.


23 Years and counting , Drinking Water Project in ‎Mirik‬ Still Incomplete

12:48 PM
23 Years - 7 Months and 26 Days Later Drinking Water Project for ‪Mirik‬ Still Incomplete

It has been 23 years since the then Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council started to develop the erstwhile Rai Dhap as the drinking water source for Mirik. The DGHC does not exist any more, it has been 4 years since the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) took over the administration in our hills. BUT people in Mirik are still devoid of clean and safe drinking water.

The project was taken up by Manjushree Company and construction started from the beginning of May, 1992 but the work got stopped, without completion.

In 2010 the work was restarted by Surya India Pvt Ltd but and the work was supposed to be completed by 2012, but its past half-way into 2014 and the project is no where near completion.
In the past one year we have highlighted around 10 infrastructural deficiencies that is plaguing Mirik, but there has not even been a word of response from either Bimal Gurung, Mamata Banerjee SS Ahluwalia, representatives from Mirik Municipality or any other politician.
Incomplete Drinking Water Project in ‎Mirik
Incomplete Drinking Water Project in ‎Mirik
It is a shame that the politicians who are supposed to take care of our place and thump their chest citing our place, have not even bothered to come and check out the situation for themselves or at get their minions to inquire and get the work done.

Pic and report: TheDC team


All India Nepali Schedule Caste Association GTA Reservation Demand - Threaten Agitation

11:56 AM
ST

Writes: Vivek Chhetri

The All India Nepali Schedule Caste Association today threatened to launch a dharna at Nabanna and a hunger strike after that if the state failed to start the process of amending the GTA Act in a month to provide seat reservation for the community in the hill body.

Today, 1,000-odd members of the association brought out a silent rally from Darjeeling railway station to Chowrasta.

They also demanded a development board for the community and a 100-point roster system on GTA job reservation.

G.N. Lomjel, general secretary of the association, said: "One of our main demands is seat reservation. We would request the state to start the process by amending the GTA Act in a month failing which, we will stage a dharna at Nabanna. After that, we might sit for an indefinite hunger strike."

There are 45 elected seats in the GTA and none of them are reserved. The community did not have any reservation in the 28 elected seats of the erstwhile Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council as well.

"Seat reservation in the GTA must reflect our community's population in the hills which now stands at 17.5 per cent. We are deprived since 1988 (when DGHC was formed)," said association president R. Thatal. "If the GTA Act is not amended within the winter session, we are thinking of boycotting the coming elections," he said without elaborating.

"Our other demands include formation of a development board for the SC community and job reservation in the GTA. We will also write to the National Schedule Caste Commission," Thatal added.

Morcha general secretary Roshan Giri said: "We will raise the demand at the meeting in Calcutta tomorrow."

Source: Telegraph, Pic: Himalaya Darpan

GNLF Mann Ghisingh's controversal statement on cultural dress

2:15 PM
Writes: Vivek Chhetri

The president of the Gorkha National Liberation Front in a press release today termed the traditional dress of the Nepali community as the the official dress of Nepal, eliciting criticism from all hill parties.
GNLF president Mann Ghisingh controversal statement on traditional dress of daura sural and chowbandi choli
GNLF president Mann Ghisingh controversal statement on traditional dress of Daura Sural and Chowbandi Choli
-Photo of the press release via The Darjeeling Chronicle's

GNLF president Mann Ghisingh stated in the statement in Nepali: "The Darjeeling hills has failed to recognize its own land (that would have come through the inclusion of the area in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution). Everybody became fools not to understand the Gorkha's own land and the Gorkha Hill Council. They started going to Delhi and Calcutta wearing the official dress of Nepal."

Mann's statement did not explain who the "they" referred to.

Many hill leaders have worn the traditional daura sural and chowbandi choli to meet state-level and central leaders on many occasions. Few years ago, the Morcha had issued a diktat making it compulsory for hill people to wear the attire for a month. Following backlash, it had removed the mandatory tag on the order.

"After having scored two major political victories, on August 22 and August 23, 1988, a third major political victory had been achieved by signing the tripartite agreement on December 6, 2005, to form the Gorkha Hill Council, that would have carried the distinct identity of the Indian Gorkhas," the signed statement reads.

The new council under the Sixth Schedule was to be named Gorkha Hill Council.

On August 22, 1988, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council accord was signed and the next day, the Centre had issued a notification stating that all those living in India before 1950 were Indian citizens.

The GNLF is of the opinion that the citizenship issue of Gorkhas in India was clarified by the notification.

The GNLF's statement terming the traditional dress of daura sural and chowbandi choli as the official dress of Nepal has surprised others.

Binay Tamang, the assistant secretary of the Morcha said: "The dress is of our community and he (Mann Ghisingh) must clarify what we should wear now. Subash Ghisingh took our community behind by 25 years by indulging in controversies and now they are again taking our community behind by raking up unnecessary controversies."

Even ABGL and CPRM, allies of the GNLF in the newly-constituted Democratic Front, criticised the statement.

"This is not a correct statement. I hope the GNLF will ponder over the statement and rectify it," said Pratap Khati, general secretary of ABGL.

Govind Chhetri, spokesman of the CPRM, said: "The GNLF must retract and apologise for hurting the sentiments of the Indian Gorkhas."

Mann did not take calls today. Biren Lama, a central committee member of GNLF, said: "I don't think this is a controversial statement."

Towards the end of the press release, GNLF warns that the "Central and State Government will be responsible for any political instability in the future, and anything on toward happens in Darjeeling in the future."

Source: Telegraph


Gurung Sceptic Over Transfer of Land Reform Departments to GTA

11:18 AM
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha president Bimal Gurung on Wednesday asserted he would not accept the Land and Land Reforms Department if it is not fully transferred to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration by the state government. On Monday, the state government issued a government order directing the Darjeeling district magistrate to place the services of the officers and employees of the Block Land and Land Reforms Office along with the Sub-Divisional Land and Land Reforms Office within the GTA area under the jurisdiction of the hill body as soon as possible. However, the District Land and Land Reforms Office has been kept out of the purview of the GTA.
Bimal Gurung and Mamata Banerjee
Gurung Sceptic Over Transfer of Land Reform Departments to GTA
The GJM president, who is also the GTA chief executive, today expressed scepticism over the transfer saying he would first go through the details.

“I will first minutely study the government order. If we are not satisfied with the way the department is being transferred, we will write to the state government to rectify it. And if nothing happens even after that, we will not accept the transfer,” said Gurung today speaking on the sidelines of a programme to welcome TMC supporters from the Rungbull-Dhotrey constituency into his party. More than 200 TMC supporters from Dhotrey and Balasun under Kurseong sub-division joined the GJM today. The GJM wants 57 departments transferred to the GTA. The state government has complied to most but only in principle.

Important departments such as the PWD, transport, social welfare, fire services and information and cultural affairs and forest and panchayat are yet to be transferred to the GTA.

The SDL&LRO and BL&LRO have been transferred to the GTA, but the DL&LR has been left alone, which is one of the factors behind Gurung’s scepticism.

“Even though some departments have been transferred, we are still facing problems of dual jurisdiction. Under such a circumstance, we want the entire directory of the Land and Land Reforms Department to be brought under the hill body from the district magistrate’s office, as only then will it ensure the GTA’s independent functioning,” he pointed out.

During the days of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council too, some departments had been transferred, but the transfers had been for namesake as the state government had the final say in almost all of them.

This time, however, the GJM does not want a repeat of the farce.

Gurung said he would talk to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to pursue the demand for the full transfer of the entire department and also seek compensation for the victims of the recent landslides that claimed 32 lives.

Banerjee is slated to visit Darjeeling on August 24 to attend a government programme, but the GJM chief will not be meeting her.

“I will be in Sikkim on August 23 and then leave for Delhi the next day to conduct a puja. But I will take up the issue with the CM on my return,” he said.

Gurung is expected to meet Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Kumar Chamling to seek his support for the ongoing demand for granting tribal status to 11 Gorkha communities.

Kaman Singh Ramudamu Statue Unveiled - Man against Ghising's Sixth Schedule

9:57 AM
Vivek Chhetri

GTA chief executive Bimal Gurung today unveiled the statue of Kaman Singh Ramudamu, the first hill leader to speak out against GNLF chief Subash Ghisingh's Sixth Schedule demand in 2006.
Gurung unveils the statue of Kaman Singh Ramudamu in Darjeeling on Thursday.
Gurung unveils the statue of Kaman Singh Ramudamu in Darjeeling on Thursday.
As the president of the All India Nepali Schedule Caste Association, Ramudamu had led a rally of hundreds of his supporters at Sukhiapokhri, 28km from Darjeeling, on March 19, 2006, to oppose Ghisingh's decision to accept the Sixth Schedule status.

Ramudamu opposed the status, as there was no provision for reservation for the SC community in the new administrative arrangement mooted for the hills.

"He was lion-hearted and it needed courage to come out in the open then. He was an old man, otherwise, he would have gone missing as such was the political atmosphere then," Gurung said after unveiling the statue in front of the Raj Bhawan on the Mall Road here.

Today was Ramudamu's 86th birth anniversary. The statue was erected by the SC association.

Ramudamu, who died on July 17, 2008, was a retired divisional account officer of the Indian Railways.

He had also translated a section of the Indian Constitution pertaining to the rights and privileges of the scheduled caste community from English into Nepali.

According to the memorandum of settlement signed by the Centre, state and the GNLF in 2005, a new administrative arrangement was to be put in place in the hills under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.

The Gorkha Hill Council, Darjeeling, that was supposed to replace the then Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC), was to have 33 seats, of which 10 were to be reserved for Scheduled Tribes and three for other communities. Five members of the council were to be nominated by the governor.

Ramudamu took on Ghisingh as not a single seat was reserved for the SC community. "When the STs can get 10 seats, I see no reason why the SCs cannot get three," Ramudamu had said.

He was rooting for three seats as the SC community formed around nine per cent of the hill population.

Gurung was with Ghisingh's GNLF when Ramudamu came out in the open against the then undisputed hill leader. Interestingly, when Gurung formed the Morcha later, he made Ramudamu the vice-president of the outfit.

Gurung today said: "When I first approached Kaman Singh Ramudamu (to join the Morcha), he had refused stating that he was basically a social worker working for the uplift of his community and it would not be right for him to be involved with a political party. He, however, changed his mind and decided to join the party to espouse the statehood cause."

Ramudamu had presided over the meeting where the Morcha was formed on October 7, 2007. Gurung and Ramudamu together unfurled the Morcha flag.

"I have come across many people. Ramudamu was one who was not interested in political benefits but was only concerned about the welfare of his community and the people of the region," Gurung said today.

Source: Telegraph

Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan denies Rs 25,000 demand

The Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan (JAKS) today admitted that the organisation would be collecting financial contributions from its 5,800-odd members to cover legal expenses incurred for fighting a successful legal case in the Calcutta High Court recently but denied that it was demanding Rs 25,000 from each person.
 Janmukti Asthai Karmachari Sangathan denies Rs 25,000 demand
A rally by the Sangathan to demand the regularisation of jobs. File picture
The Calcutta High Court had on May 14 directed the state government to convene a meeting with representatives of the GTA in four months to decide how it would set in motion the process of absorbing over 5,800 casual employees into the hill body in permanent posts.

A number of contractual workers had told The Telegraph that word was being spread by Sangathan members that they should keep Rs 25,000 ready.

"I was told to make arrangement for Rs 25,000 to ensure that my job is regularised following the recent high court order. However, none of us have paid. We had also not received anything in writing from the organisation," a worried casual employee had complained.

Asked about the allegation, Machendra Subba, the president of the Sangathan, said: "I, too, have been hearing about it but we would like to clarify that the Sangathan has not fixed any amount. Some expenses have been incurred in fighting the case and we have told our members that they will have to contribute some amount. We have, however, not worked out total expenses that have been incurred or how much a member will have to pay. The figure of Rs 25,000 per member is not true."
Subba said the organisation would work out the amount per member within the "next few days".
The Sangathan is an affiliate of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha.

Justice Sanjib Banerjee had issued the directive on a petition filed by the Sangathan. Since 2007, when the Morcha was formed, the Sangathan had been demanding regularisation of jobs.
Soon after The Telegraph had sought a clarification from Subba today, the Sangathan called a press conference in Darjeeling to reiterate its stand.

The press conference at the Darjeeling Press Guild Office was addressed by Deepak Sharma, the spokesman for the Sangathan, and secretary Kishan Gurung.

Most of the 5,800-plus casual employees who are currently working with the GTA were recruited by the now defunct Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council on a six-month contract.

Source: Telegraph


GJM seeks SSC and CSC for the GTA.

11:55 PM
Roshan Giri, GTA Executive Member, Dr Harkha Bahadur Chettri, MLA Kalimpong and Dr Rohit Sharma, MLA Kurseong had a meeting with West Bengal education minister, Partha Chatterjee at Bikash Bhavan and raised the issue of setting up of a separate School Service Commission ( SSC) and College Service Commission (CSC) for the GTA.
GJM seeks SSC and CSC for the GTA.
GJM seeks SSC and CSC for the GTA - meeting with West Bengal education minister,
Partha Chatterjee at Bikash Bhavan 
The 3 member delegation was informed by the minister that the formalities for setting up a separate SSC and CSC have been completed and that a note would be placed before the state cabinet for its final approval.

The meeting was also attended by Vivek Kumar, secretary, higher secondary education department and Arnab Roy, secretary, secondary education of the state government.

The earlier Left Front Government had formed the School Service Commission exclusively for the hill areas in 1999. However, the then Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council had refused to give appointment to candidates who had cleared the SSC (hills) examinations in 2000 and 2002. However, after Subash Ghisingh resigned as the caretaker administrator of the DGHC in 2008, our party pressurized to issue appointment letters to those candidates who had passed the earlier examinations.
The issue of online admission process in colleges were also discussed in the meeting today. The delegation told the minister that since internet connectivity and electrification in the hills was poor, the online process for admission in colleges should be exempted for the hill areas.

The other issues raised were regarding employing 515 para teachers and 127 adhoc teachers in various vacancies in the hills and also the creation of 79 posts under the Right to Education.

Source: Bimal Gurung Official


DYFI threatens hunger strike over Vacant Posts in the Hill

7:18 AM
The CPM-affiliated Democratic Youth Federation of India on Thursday threatened to start a hunger strike demanding the state government and the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration to fill up vacant posts in various departments.
DYFI threatens hunger strike over Vacant Posts in the Hill Pic via: Himalaya Darpan
DYFI threatens hunger strike over
Vacant Posts in the Hill
Pic via: Himalaya Darpan
Speaking to reporters in Darjeeling, DYFI district president Rajesh Kadaria said, “Hundreds of posts are lying vacant in several departments of the state government and the GTA. But nothing has been done to fill them up, leaving many youths of the hills unemployed.” He warned of calling a hunger strike if no concrete measures were taken to address the DYFI’s demand within a month.

“We will sit on hunger strike outside Lalkothi, the GTA headquarters. We will wait for a month to see what the state government and the GTA do and plan our action accordingly,” said the DYFI leader. He also did not mince any words to denounce Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee as not being sincere towards the people of the hills. “The chief minister says Darjeeling is her heart whenever she visits the hills. However, even after more than three years at the helm, she has failed to address the burning issue of recruiting candidates to vacant posts,” said Kadaria. According to him, more than 30,000 posts are up for grabs in various departments of the state government and the GTA. “I got the details from an RTI I had filed some time ago. Anyone can cross check my claim,” he said.

At present, vacant posts in primary and higher secondary schools alone stand at 3,800, said Kadaria. Similarly, the health department has 1,800 vacant spots, land and land reform 439, panchayat 560, while BDO and SDO offices have 246 and 192, respectively. Further, the district magistrate office (groups C and D) has 124 unoccupied posts, the forest department 364 while the three municipalities in the hills have more than 600 vacancies. The information and cultural affairs department of the state government currently has 74 posts vacant, the food and supply department 271, while hospitals in the hills face a shortage of doctors of at least 200, said the DYFI leader.

Kadaria also blamed the GTA for not taking proactive steps to address the issue. “The GTA is meant to address issues concerning the hills. But it has neither gone into action nor pressurise the state government into filling up the vacancies,” he said, adding the situation at present is the same as it was during the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council era.

Source: Eoi



GNLF decides to observe ‘Gorkhaland Namkaran Diwas’ on April 5

11:11 AM
The Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), which chose to steer clear of the statehood demand when Subash Ghishing was alive, has now decided to observe April 5, the day it was founded, as ‘Gorkhaland Namkaran Diwas’.

GNLF decides to observe ‘Gorkhaland Namkaran Diwas’ on April 5
GNLF decides to observe ‘Gorkhaland Namkaran Diwas’ on April 5
Ghisingh formed the GNLF in 1980 to pursue the demand for a Gorkhaland state. In 1986, he launched a bloody agitation that lasted 28 months and led to the death of more than 1,200 people. A peace accord was signed in 1988 and the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, an autonomous body, was formed, which brought an end to the bloody agitation.

However, during the fag end of his life till his death on January 29 of this year, Ghisingh never advocated for a Gorkhaland state. In 2004, he instead raked up the issue of conferring the Darjeeling hills with the Sixth Schedule status. He asked all DGHC councillors to resign in support of the demand and with a deft move became the hill body’s caretaker administrator and also signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the state and central governments in December 2006.

But current leaders of the GNLF have a different take on Gorkhaland. “Ghisingh was the first to coin the word Gorkhaland and it has become synonymous with the Darjeeling hills now. In fact, all political parties here have embraced the issue of statehood to maintain their political identity,” said MG Subba, Darjeeling sub-divisional convener of the GNLF.

Asked about the decision to observe Gorkhaland Namkaran Diwas, he said, “The world has come to know about the Gorkhaland demand because of our party president. He sacrificed the major part of his life pursuing the demand. Hence it is only fitting we observe the party’s foundation day as Gorkhaland Namkaran Diwas to honour the founder,” said Subba.

The GNLF has decided to organise a programme at the Mela ground in Kalimpong where the new president, Mann Ghisingh, will address supporters for the first time after taking office. “Our new president will be present at the programme and deliver his first public speech. He is expected to announce future programmes as well,” Subba said.

The GNLF’s demand is to revive the now defunct DGHC till such time the hills are accorded with the Sixth Schedule status. The contention is that the erstwhile council had constitutional guarantee unlike the existing Gorkhaland Territorial Administration.

Source: EOIC


Sikkim CM Pawan Chamling deeply saddened by passing away of Subash Ghisingh

5:54 PM
Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Chamling on Friday said he is “deeply saddened” to hear the passing away of Subash Ghisingh, the founder president of the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF). Ghisingh breathed his last at a hospital in Delhi on Thursday afternoon. The 79-year-old once undisputed leader of the Darjeeling hills was suffering from several health complications.
Sikkim CM Pawan Chamling deeply saddened by passing away of Subash Ghisingh
Sikkim CM Pawan Chamling
Chamling said, “My prayers and condolences are with the bereaved family.  Shri Ghisingh will always be remembered for his yeoman service to the Indian Gorkhas who had been pining for identity in view of the immense contributions they have made in maintaining the sovereignty and integrity of the country by defending the motherland ever since struggle for independence. The credit for raising the Gorkhaland statehood and identity issues of the Indian Gorkhas at the national level goes entirely to Shri Ghisingh. It was his movement for separate statehood that led to the creation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC).”

The chief minister also noted that Ghisingh was a novelist. “I have lost a good friend whom I held in high esteem,” he added. With his demise the Indian Gorkha community has lost a stalwart, visionary and senior leader.” (IPR)

Source: EOI

GNLF chief Ghisingh, who gave birth to Gorkhaland, died in Delhi

9:40 PM
Ashis Chakrabarti

So he died as he knew he would - in exile, far away from the kingdom that had once been his and that he had lost to a onetime vassal. But in death, he may be luckier than his wife, who was denied the privilege of having her last rites performed back at her long-lost home in the hills.
GNLF chief Ghisingh passes away in Delhi
Subash Ghisingh, the mercurial leader whogave birth to the demand for Gorkhaland,breathed his last at a Delhi hospital on Thursday.He was 79. “Mr Ghisingh was admitted five days ago. He died this morning of liver failure,” a spokespersonfor Sir Ganga Ram Hospital in New Delhi said.Ghisingh is survived by his sons,Sagar and Mohan, and daughter Uma







Subash Ghisingh, who died in distant Delhi this evening, may well be back in Darjeeling for one last time - only to be cremated there. But that is only because he no longer matters in the politics of the place that he ruled as its undisputed leader for nearly 20 years.

Even the memory of his rule and his times seem to have become something like the mist in the Darjeeling hills.

For those who remember, though, the life and times of Ghisingh were unlike those of any other political leader not just in Bengal but anywhere else in India in the past few decades.

There have been other leaders who have risen, fallen and been forgotten soon after they had left the stage.

Ghisingh's story was different. One important reason was the location - what happens in Darjeeling reverberates far beyond those hills. The echoes, political and strategic, travel to Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, Tibet and also to the distant capital cities of Delhi and Beijing. So when Ghisingh's call for a Gorkhaland state spread like wildfire in the Darjeeling hills in the mid-1980s, it wasn't just a local political affair.

There had been other calls for local self-rule in Darjeeling. Other leaders before him rose in local politics by asking for a new deal for the "Gorkhas". They did not quite shake the political masters in Calcutta, let alone in Delhi.

Ghisingh's struggle for Gorkhaland was a very different affair, not just because of the scale of its violence, but also because it was seen by many in Delhi as a Himalayan conspiracy for a "Greater Nepal", which aimed at creating a confederation of mountain kingdoms and states away from India's control.

That Ghisingh's crusade drove Bengal's communists down the hills was only a minor result of what was believed to be a larger battle plan. It was thus a more complicated matter than the older ethnic insurgencies in India's Northeast. Or so the conspiracy theorists believed.

Ghisingh himself added much to the making of the conspiracy. He talked of historical "wrongs" committed in the region and wanted to rewrite its history. Not content with questioning why Darjeeling should be part of Bengal, he raised the issue of the legality of the Sugouli Treaty of 1815 between East India Company and Nepal and of India's treaties with Nepal and Bhutan. Darjeeling and Kalimpong, he said, were like "kites set loose" and no one knew where they would land.

He was proving to be too dangerous a loose cannon for Delhi. Soon he would be taken under the wings of the Indian political and security establishments. So much so that Jyoti Basu and the then ruling CPM would accuse him of being a pawn in Delhi's hand in the game to drive the communists out of the sensitive border region.

And he set the hills ablaze for nearly three years before settling for the autonomous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, which he then ruled unchallenged until he was dethroned by a former comrade and the current lord of the hills, Bimal Gurung.

For all the bloodletting that he organised and the destruction that he wrought in the old society in the Darjeeling hills, Ghisingh's personality was a strange mix of naivety and cruelty. With the slightest hint of a threat to his authority, he would stop at nothing to finish off old, trusted comrades.

So many of them were ruined and even killed for daring to show even the smallest signs of revolt. When Gurung's big revolt hit him, Ghisingh found himself rather friendless and too weakened to defend his fort.

Banished from the hills, he waited his chance to regain his lost kingdom. That was not to be, though old faithful still flocked to show their loyalty on the few occasions when he sought to reclaim Darjeeling one more time.

But history, he slowly came to accept, does not repeat itself. Once that realisation sank in, the man, who would start all his political programmes with some religious rituals at Darjeeling's Mahakal temple, turned increasingly to Buddhism.

Perhaps, as he saw the end coming during his recent illness, Ghisingh stopped caring if he would finally lie near the orange orchard at his native village of Manju, some miles below Mirik, or anywhere else in the Darjeeling hills.

But no matter where he has his final resting place, Ghisingh's legacy may live on to shape other moments in Darjeeling's political history.

Source: Telegraph

 
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