Showing posts with label Gorkhaland Demand. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gorkhaland Demand. Show all posts

A crisis within crisis: The fault line of India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland

3:54 PM
By SHWETA RAJ KANWAR 

100 years and more, the longest statehood demand in India’s history, the demand for Gorkhaland has, many times reached its peak; and yet has always come tumbling down. Time and again, the unfulfilled aspirations have been doused by temporary promises and in 2017, the ‘Queen of Hills’ was under siege as Gorkhas all around the world stood in unison against this incessant predicament of proving their identity as Indian citizens. Despite dating back to 1907, why is it that the demand for Gorkhaland has fallen into deaf ears? Why is it that despite agitations and protests, the issue still lays unresolved, pushed into the corner of nothingness- like a dormant volcano that erupts from time to time, only to be silenced again. What is it that reignites this movement time and again at regular intervals and leaves it without any solution?
India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland
India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland

History of Gorkhaland demand

The demand for a separate administrative unit in Darjeeling has existed since 1907, when the Hillmen’s Association of Darjeeling submitted a memorandum to Minto-Morley Reforms demanding a separate administrative setup. Also, it may be mentioned that in 1947, the undivided Communist Party of India (CPI) submitted a memorandum to the Constituent Assembly demanding the formation of Gorkhasthan comprising Darjeeling District and Sikkim.

In the 1980s, under Gorkha National Liberation Front’s (GNLF) Subhas Ghising, the movement reached its peak. 1986-88 were on of the most violent years of protest: approximately 1,200 people died. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of a semi-autonomous body in 1988 called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) to govern certain areas of Darjeeling district. Eventually, Ghising faded from the limelight and in 2008, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) began spearheading the movement. In 2011, GJM signed an agreement with the state and central governments for the formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, another semi-autonomous body that replaced the DGHC in the Darjeeling hills.

The 2013 agitation was also one to remember wherein for the first time in 106 years, all the major political parties of the hills agreed to come together and jointly take the agitation forward. Even in 2017, the agitation bore no fruits. Protests first started on June 5, after the West Bengal government announced an intention that the Bengali language would be made mandatory in all schools across the state. People of Darjeeling and the adjoining areas who are predominantly Nepali speaking, saw this as an imposition of an alien culture upon them. Fuelled by the determination to preserve their own culture, identity and language, this protest soon turned into a full-fledged resurgence of the agitation for a separate state of Gorkhaland. July 30, 2017 saw the culmination of Gorkhas (and also some non-Gorkhas) all over the world taking part in a Global Rally for Gorkhaland. And as the Gorkha Global Rally completes a year in 2018, the issue still remains at large.

Where the problem lies
As is evident from history, agitations and semi-autonomous bodies have not been able to provide any respite to the Gorkhas’ demand. What is clearly lacking here is an accountable and transparent leadership- one that inspires not only a group of people but that which motivates everyone to come along with him/her and move forward for a common cause with renewed strategies and fresh perspectives.

On these lines, Shankar Pandey, a lawyer from Shillong opines, “Talking about leadership, accountable and transparent leadership is the need of the hour. It may be recalled that during Subhash Ghishing’s time, everybody looked up to him in the hope that he would give them Gorkhaland in a platter but the results proved otherwise. In 2017 again, it was the same state of affairs. However, a close look in the 2017 agitation will show a difference in strategic approach. It has been seen that people have learnt their lessons and GJM chief, Bimal Gurung was at the centre of the storm as people were on the lookout for accountability and transparency.”

It has been seen time and again that the major problem with Gorkhaland movement is the attitude of shifting responsibilities to one person or a group of people who display a level of ‘so-called’ leadership which is not even visible to common masses. It is significant to realise that the onus of Gorkhaland falls upon each and every Gorkha residing in any part of the world. Another major problem with the Gorkhaland demand is the presence of power corridor- A sense of democracy needs to be instilled in the minds of leaders.

“Gorkhaland is purely a matter of safeguarding identity”, Mr. Shankar adds. “When we compare the demand for Gorkhaland to those of Telangana, Uttarakhand and the likes, we see that the demand for these states was solely made from developmental point of view but this is definitely not the case with Gorkhaland. However, this does not mean that development is not a major factor in Darjeeling Hills, but identity is a primary force while all others feature subsequently”, he states.

The problem of identity crisis has been haunting the Gorkhas in India since times immemorial. Hence, this is not a fight for a separation from India but a fight of Indians to retain who they are!

Mr. Shankar makes an important point when he says, “The issue of identity can only be solved by statehood and not by any form of autonomous body of governance that has been seen as a solution to douse previous agitations. This is an attempt to dilute the greater demand”.

What is the solution?

“There is a need to set up a mass network of which each and every Gorkha can be part of a larger platform. The movement should not be confined to only the hills of Darjeeling but to all over India. Everybody should come together and take responsibility. There should be Gorkhaland campaigns and we should hold leadership accountable to us. There is no proper information dissemination. Knowledge is power and lack of knowledge makes the people and movement weak”, says Mr. Shankar.

The need for alternate leadership with young people from all fronts of life is the need of the hour. Youth should take up responsibility to cover up the limitations in the movement. A fresh approach is needed. Darjeeling is lagging behind in every front in terms of overall development as compared to other states of West Bengal which all the more justifies the need for demand of separate statehood.

It is a test of endurance and this is not the time to fade away into oblivion. This is infact the only movement that says that Gorkhas want to be part of India with an identity of their own. It is not about ‘Azaadi’ here, it is about ‘Identity’ while upholding the saying ‘Bharat Maata ki Jai!’

“Gorkhaland is not only about protests and agitation. It is time to understand that there are other more influential methods of demanding the same. It is high time we change our approach and work together smartly for a common cause. Even at the grassroot level, it is important for people to know what the movement is all about so that they can form opinions and work towards attainment of a larger cause. Ignorance in this case is definitely not bliss”, he adds

Founding Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University, Mahendra P Lama, while addressing a gathering in Shillong, Meghalaya on the Gorkhaland movement last year also drew focus to an important point when he said, “The problem of Gorkhaland does not belong to only Darjeeling alone but it is a national issue. The identity problem with Indian Gorkhas has increased manifold as we do not have a proper state representation”. Mr Lama was the pro vice chancellor of IGNOU and at the age of 45, he became the youngest vice chancellor of a central university in India.

He emphasises on the need to create a central committee to bring matters concerning all Gorkhas into the fray. For this, Mr. Lama stresses on the need for an organizational structure in the form of a central body that would overarch the national body and the inclusion of a national negotiating team as well. Following this, the next step would be to take the Gorkhaland issue to the National level with Parliamentary discussions on it. The issue should reach political parties, national civil society and other stakeholders including industrial and business houses.

He goes on to state that the orientation of the movement should undergo a major shift from emotional outpourings to more concrete discussions and debate. Tangible restructuring and reorientation of leadership pattern and political action should be carried out while also focusing more on central government to solve the issue rather than approaching the state government thereby confining the movement only to local fronts. It is important that a central committee should comprise of credible faces and influential minds so that the union government will take the plunge and be serious about negotiations.

Gaurav Lama, a supporter of Gorkhaland movement adds, “The movement in 2017 gained much more attraction due to social media. While it is good that the common man was honestly and strenuously involved, we must strive to strike deep into the BJP camp to make inroads. We must try to convince top BJP heads to push this matter forward.

The ruling government must prove to be more than just another power greedy party. They must come forth and stand by their promise of working on making Gorkhaland a reality. This can be achieved only if the senior BJP leaders are serious about Gorkhaland and if there are a bunch of people who shall talk to and remind the BJP senior hierarchy that they have their promises to keep.”

As is rightly said, “We have to tread the unorthodox path. A desperate situation requires a desperate solution”-Mahendra P.Lama

DISCLAIMER- The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and the interviewees and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TNT- The Northeast Today. Assumptions made within the analysis are not reflective of the position of TNT- The Northeast Today

The writer can be reached at shwetarajkanwar@gmail.com & shweta@thenortheasttoday.com

Via The Northeast Today

Bimal Gurung faction meets Rajnath, seeks panel on Gorkhaland

11:02 AM
KOLKATA: A six-member delegation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (Bimal Gurung faction) led by Darjeeling's BJP MP SS Ahluwalia met Home Minister Rajnath Singh in New Delhi on Tuesday and sought formation of a Central Government committee to look into the Gorkhaland statehood demand.

"GJM has been an alliance partner of BJP in NDA. In its manifesto for the last two general elections of 2009 and 2014, the BJP had stated that it will 'sympathetically examine and appropriately consider the long pending demand of Gorkhas and Adivasis'. We would therefore now appeal to you to take this assurance of the BJP forward through the Government by instituting an official committee to examine and appropriately consider the demand (of Gorkhaland)," read the letter by the GJM delegation to Singh.

"You are aware that you had been kind enough to issue a statement in September, 2017 assuring that talks would be held with GJM led by Bimal Gurung. Now that normalcy has been restored in Darjeeling, we are hoping that you would direct the Union Home Ministry to convene the talks at the earliest," the letter added.

In a press communique, Ahluwalia said Singh assured that a meeting will be convened soon.

The GJM delegation also met Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram and submitted a memorandum demanding that 11 Gorkha communities - Bhujel, Gurung, Mangar, Newar, Jogi, Khas, Rai, Sunwar, Thami, Yakhha (Dewan) and Dhimal - be included in the Central Scheduled Tribes list.

Express News Service

पार्टीहरूबीचको एकता समयको मागः एनजीसी

11:41 AM
NGC
गोर्खाल्यान्डको लागि भविष्यको बाटो
प्रतिविम्ब न्यूज
दार्जीलिङ, 22 अप्रेल
राष्ट्रिय गोर्खाल्यान्ड कमिटीले हिजो अलग राज्य गोर्खाल्यान्डको लागि भिजन डकुमेन्ट जारी गर्यो। पुस्तकको रूपमा प्रकाशमा ल्याइएको यस दस्तावेजमा गोर्खाल्यान्डलाई वान पोइन्ट एजेन्डा मानेको छ। यसै दस्तावेजमा कमिटीले गोर्खाल्यान्डको लागि भविष्यको बाटो पनि बनाएको छ. जसको एकांश यस्तो छ।
अन्य राज्यहरूको माग
भारतमा आठवटा क्षेत्रले राज्यको माग गरिरहेका छन्। ती हुन् हरित प्रदेश (पश्चिाम उत्तर प्रदेश), पूर्वाञ्चल (उत्तरी उत्तर प्रदेश), बोडोल्याण्ड (आसाम), सौराष्ट्र (दक्षिण गुजरात), लद्दाख (पूर्वी जम्मु तथा काश्मिर), गोर्खाल्यान्ड (उत्तरी पश्चि म बंगाल), कोङ्गु नाडु (दक्षिणी तामिलनाडु) र विदर्भ (पूर्वी महाराष्ट्र)। गोर्खाल्यान्डको माग उपर्युक्त सबैभन्दा पुरानो 1907 देखिको वा 111 वर्षअघिको माग हो।
थप राज्यहरूका लागि किन यो माग।
राष्ट्रले आफैलाई सोध्नुपर्छ-किन अझ बड़ी राज्यहरूको मागमा कोलाहल भइरहेको छ। के यो क्षेत्रीय संशाधनमाथिको लड़ाई हो वा विकासको अभावले गर्दा हो। यो राजनीतिक विचारको कारणले हो वा भारतको संघीय ढाँचामा परिवर्तनको लागि हो। ठूलो राज्य हुँदैमा त्यो आर्थिकरूपले सम्पन्न राज्य हुन्छ भन्ने छैन। कुनै पनि राज्यलाई उसको प्रदर्शन र सुशासनको आधारमा मूल्यांकन गर्नुपर्छ। वर्तमान विकास योजना मोडलमा केन्द्रिय संघीय ढाँचा एउटा भौगोलिक राज्यका सबै क्षेत्रमा समान विकास ल्याउन असफल छ एवं दार्जीलिङ र डुवर्स जस्ता गैर-विकास योजना क्षेत्रमा विकासको मामिलामा त यो अझ बड़ी स्पष्टसँग देखिन्छ।
गोर्खाल्यान्ड जस्तो सानो राज्य किन आवश्यक छ
साना राज्यको व्यवस्थापन सहजै गर्न सकिन्छ। यी राज्यहरूमा श्रेष्ठ शासन र द्रूत विकास हुन्छ। एउटा सानो राज्यलाई स्मार्ट राज्य बनाउन सहज हुन्छ। क्षेत्रीय परिचय, सांस्कृतिक तथा भौगोलिक विविधताहरू प्रशासनिक सुविधाका लागि राम्रोसँग चिन्हित गर्न सकिन्छ। ऐन श्रृंखला र आन्तरिक सुरक्षाका मुद्दाहरू एउटा सानो राज्यमा श्रेष्ठ रूपमा व्यवस्थापन हुन्छ। गोर्खाल्यान्ड जस्तो एउटा सानो राज्य सधैं राष्ट्रवादको एउटा उदाहरण हुनेछ, किनभने यो गोर्खाहरूका लागि प्रदान गरिनेछ, जो देशका अग्रमोर्चाका सिपाही हुन्। आज पनि देशभरि लगभग 4.5 लाख भूतपूर्व गोर्खा सैनिकहरू छन् भने 70,000 गोर्खाहरू सेना र अर्धसामरिक बलमा कार्यरत छन्।
सिलगढी करिडर त्यसैले सुरक्षित हातमा हुनेछ। जहाँसम्म आर्थिक सम्पन्नताको प्रश्नू छ, गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य सानो जैव-विविधता, चिया उद्योग, पर्यटन, शिक्षा तथा औषधीय वनस्पतिका सम्भाव्यता र सम्पदाका कारण आर्थिकरूपले दीगो हुनेछ। 30औं राज्य गोर्खाल्यान्ड गठनको माग परिचय र जातीय भिन्नतामा आधारित छ भने बाँकी व्यवस्था पश्चि0म बंगाल राज्यसँग दार्जीलिङ र कालेबुङ जिल्ला एवं डुवर्समा बस्ने भारतीय गोर्खाहरूको किनारीकरणमाथि पश्चियम बंगाल राज्यको बड़्दो रणनीति चालमा आधारित छ। यसैले गम्भीर चिन्तनको आवश्यकतालाई प्रकाश पार्दै राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षाको दृष्टिले क्षेत्रलाई अझ सुरक्षित बनाउनुपर्ने हुटहुटी दर्शाउँछ।
गोर्खा राज्य मागको आन्दोलन अब 111 वर्षको भएको छ। यो लामो लड़ाईमा 12 सय 19 निर्दोष मानिसहरू पुलिसको गोलीबारीमा मारिएका छन्। तथापि जस्तै ठूलो शक्तिले पनि गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्यको लोकप्रिय मागलाई दबाउन सकेको छैन। एउटा अस्थायी समाधानले फेरि आन्दोलनको ज्वालामुखी फुट्नअघि केही समयका लागि मात्र यसलाई शिथिल बनाउनेछ। पहाड़का राजनैतिक पार्टीहरूबीचको एकता समयको माग हो। क्षेत्रका सबै पार्टीहरूले अब एक स्वरमा आवाज उठाउन आवश्यक छ। कुनै अधिकारपत्र एवं एउटा पार्टीको जनादेशद्वारा क्षेत्रीय राजनीति संचालित गर्न सकिन्छ, तर जब राज्य र केन्द्र सरकारसँग छलफल तथा वार्ताको कुरा हुन्छ, त्यसबेला सबको स्वर एउटै हुनुपर्छ अनि मूल लक्ष्य 30औं राज्य गोर्खाल्यान्ड हुनुपर्छ।
यसैबीच, कमिटीका अध्यक्ष सेवानिवृत्त ले. जेनरल शक्ति गुरूङले दार्जीलिङ पहाड़का सबै राजनैतिक पार्टीहरूलाई गोर्खाल्यान्डको मागमा एकताको सूत्रमा बाँध्न भोलिनै गोदुनिस भवनमा एक सभा गर्ने योजना बनाएको पनि बताएका छन्। उनले एनजीसीलाई थिङ्क ट्याङ्कको संज्ञा दिंदै यसले गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य निर्माणको लागि देशको शीर्ष स्थानमा लबी गर्ने, चाप सृजना गर्ने जस्ता कामहरू गर्ने भएको र गर्दै आइरहेको पनि बताए।
फोटोः कार्यक्रमलाई सम्बोधन गर्दै शक्ति गुरूङ।

Darjeeling agitation: Why we Gorkhas feel deceived and dishonoured

1:38 PM

Writes: SEBIKA SONALI TAMANG @sonaligolay

The people's movement has once again been quashed by the government. Or is it our own leaders?

Hundred days are usually spoken of as milestones by political parties and new regimes – 100 days of the Modi government was a big cause for celebration. The first 100 days of the Mamata Banerjee government too didn’t go unnoticed in West Bengal. But when we touched the 100-mark in Darjeeling, there were no celebrations - because it was a shutdown. 104 days and 11 deaths later, we hear it’s been called off now.

News reports have been claiming that life is limping back to normalcy since yesterday, especially after the internet services resumed. Some even claimed that the weary residents are finally getting ready for Dasain, the biggest festival of the year in Darjeeling hills.

It’s true we are weary, but not because of the long agitation for Gorkhaland. After all that the people have witnessed and endured, now I am not even sure whether those 105 days should be called an “agitation”.

We have been staunch and silent for the past 105 days. The hardships that people like me faced were inconsiderable compared to those who earn their livelihood on a daily basis. Astonishingly, no one died of starvation. We have all survived. Everyone of us has had to fight this battle for survival at their own level.

But now it seems like we took a full circle and came back to where we started from. We now have Gorkhaland Territorial Administration-Part 2, as they call it, with Binay Tamang as its chief who has found renewed favour with the state government, and clearly the reasons don't have to be given in black and white. GJM chief Bimal Gurung has been on the run since day one of the agitation.

Weary we are indeed, of the deceive, the dishonour. Not for the first time though.

Gorkhaland has been and will always be dear to us. The generation before us was a part of it (the fight for Gokhaland), now we have been a part of it and our children too will surely partake in it. The voice for Gorkhaland has always found support and our leaders know it only too well.

On June 15, an indefinite strike was called by the GJM that was followed by sporadic instances of violence and arson. As I said, 11 people lost their lives. The demand for statehood was fuelled by the resistance that the people were facing from the state machinery.

For once it looked like we had shaken the very foundation of the state and the central governments. With a BJP government at the Centre -  a party which has always heralded the creation of new states - we were positive that our demands would be met. The strike continued and we made it a way of life. It was never easy though having to compromise with basic necessities and the luxuries of our daily lives that would normally go unnoticed.

As the days went by laboriously, we were only made to realise how futile it has all been. How meaningless those struggles turned out to be. How for days people went about their lives amid the shutdown. How women in the neighbourhood hopped on to the hospital ambulance to reach their offices, how housewives made sure not to miss the demonstrations even amid the police crackdown. We did all that and much more for Gokhaland.

But the leaders on whom we had invested our faith were only too "confused". Apparently, they had no idea who they needed to address their problems to.

As foreseen, the state pounced on the first given opportunity which brought GJM’s Binay Tamang to the fore. He came as a “messiah” claiming to rescue us. He called off the strike till September 12, which started another agitation.

GJM supremo Bimal Gurung announced from his undisclosed location that the strikes will continue and there was no question of suspending it at any cost. He even removed Tamang from his party post of convener.

We were confused what was happening within the GJM. A few days later, Tamang and Anit Thapa were made the chairman and vice-chairman of a nine-member “board of administrators” to run the GTA. (All 45 elected members of GTA, including its chief executive Bimal Gurung, had resigned from the administrative body in June.)

Two days back (on Tuesday, September 26), Bimal Gurung decided and announced to call off the indefinite strike. It was also announced the decision was taken after Union home minister Rajnath Singh’s appeal to him.

Back home, we couldn't have been more surprised.

Would we now support the leader, who claims to be in the jungles, and who we have not seen since the agitation found ground? Or would we go with the one who says he will help us get rid of all disgruntlements?

I don't know which one of them will emerge a bigger "hero". But I do know that for now Bimal Gurung is still that hero. Confused and lost he may be, but we still uphold his dominion.

The people's movement has once again been quashed by the state government. Or is it our own leaders?

We want Gorkhaland and so we tried to keep the agitation alive. Lives have been lost and legacies been inherited, but Gorkhaland has remained ever so elusive.

[Source: http://bit.ly/2x0gSjA]

Gorkhaland agitation: GJM media manager Vikram Rai arrested; strike enters sixth day

10:13 AM

Vikram Rai, son of Darjeeling MLA Amar Rai and media manager of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), was arrested on Friday night, reported news agency ANI. Also, the residence of the Assistant General Secretary (GJM), Binay Tamang, was allegedly raided and vandalised by the police.

Meanwhile, the indefinite strike called in support of a separate Gorkhland state entered its sixth day on Saturday. The agitation in Darjeeling began after the West Bengal government announced making Bengali a mandatory language in schools. There have been reports of violent clashes between the security personnel, police and the protesters too.

Earlier on Friday, GJM chief Bimal Gurung had also lashed out at West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee for raiding his office. “The administration unlawfully attacked my house and our party office on instructions from Mamata Banerjee. Such attack is dangerous for democracy. Our party members and opposition parties will reply to that atrocity,” ANI quoted him as saying.

Meanwhile, the central government on Friday stated it will not send additional paramilitary personnel to Darjeeling until the state government submitted a report detailing the current situation in the area. A Home Ministry spokesperson said: “We will take a decision on sending additional paramilitary forces only when we make an assessment of the prevailing situation… It is possible only when we receive a report from the state government.”

The Centre has already deployed 1,000 paramilitary personnel, including 200 women personnel, in Darjeeling following the request of the state government.

(In photo Vikram Rai)

Via Indian Express

Darjeeling Gorkhaland stir: Bows seized from GJM office not illegal, say experts

3:09 PM

The bows and arrows seized from a Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) office in Darjeeling on Thursday are legal items used for sporting activities, experts have told HT.
The confiscated articles, which included a compound crossbow (a bow but with short arms and long string, horizontally fitted to a rifle-like stock to ensure perfect aim) and two compound longbows (technically similar to a traditional bow but with shorter arms and longer strings attached to pulleys that generate more energy), were termed by the Mamata Banerjee government as weapons stockpiled to target police personnel.
Far from being illegal, these bows and arrows made of fibre-glass can be bought from stores as well as online shopping websites such as Amazon and eBay, experts said. The crossbow, often seen in Hollywood movies, is regularly used in competitions across the globe, they added.

“Both compound crossbows and the less-powerful recurve crossbows are used in competitions where one has to hit targets set at distances ranging from 20 to 70 metres. As crossbows don’t come under the purview of the Indian Arms Act, they are completely legal,” said Anil Kaushik, president of the Crossbow Shooting Association of India.
The Bengal administration didn’t say if any of these bows had been used against the police in Darjeeling since the unrest began last week.
The televised seizure of the bows and arrows triggered a controversy on Thursday, with GJM leaders claiming that bows and arrows recovered from the office were meant for cultural events. “A crossbow or a modern compound bow can be used to injure or kill, just like a traditional bow. But then, even a common kitchen knife can be used for that purpose. It’s a matter of intent,” Kaushik said.

Today, crossbow shooting is gaining popularity in India. “As we are affiliated to the World Crossbow Shooting Association, we regularly organise and participate in international events,” said Rajat Vij, president of the Indian Crossbow Shooting Association. “Crossbow shooting would probably have been more popular here if it was recognised as a regular event in the Olympics or Commonwealth Games. But that’s not to be, probably because it can’t be legally owned by civilians in a few countries, such as Malaysia.”

Bollywood has had its brush with the humble crossbow too. Toofan, a 1989 superhero flick directed by Ketan Desai, had Amitabh Bachchan using a bow fitted with a rifle-like butt to take on the dreaded bandit Shaitan Singh.
Bows and arrows have always been an integral part of tribal life in India, especially Jharkhand and West Bengal. In 2009, hundreds of tribals armed with traditional weapons – including bows and arrows – staged an armed protest against the Left Front government in Kolkata. Back then, the Trinamool Congress had supported them.

Police raided the main GJM office near Darjeeling on Thursday, sparking a strike call that stands to spur further violence in the hill town.

The Centre needs to seriously consider the demand for Gorkhaland

8:45 AM

The Daily Fix:

The Big Story: A Union of linguistic states

The hills of West Bengal have been in turmoil for the past week. The agitation started when Nepali-speaking Gorkhas began to protest against the decision of the Mamata Banerjee government to make Bengali compulsory in school. But given that the movement has continued even after Banerjee has clarified that the order will not apply to the hills, it points to deeper roots. On Tuesday, Gorkha parties – including the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and the Gorkha National Liberation Front – got together to adopt a unanimous resolution calling for a separate Nepali-speaking state of Gorkhaland to be carved out of West Bengal. The resolution was even supported by the Bharatiya Janata Party.

The separation of the Nepali-speaking areas of West Bengal is one of the oldest statehood demands in India – the issue came into existence almost as soon as the British transferred power to Indian hands in 1947. In this, the Gorkhas do not stand alone. The linguistic principle has been the basis of Indian politics for some time now. In 1920, as Mohandas Gandhi reorganised the Congress radically in order to transform it from a genteel talk shop to a vehicle for mass movement, he made sure to constitute the Congress’ provincial committees along linguistic lines rather than have them reflect the Indian provinces at the time, which were arbitrary and often reflected the history of British conquest. The message was clear: India was to consist of an union of language communities.

This message was given concrete political shape in the second decade after Independence, as India’s states were reorganised on linguistic lines. The arbitrary state of Bombay and Madras were split up into Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, Telugu lands.

Yet, in this reorganisation, the Gorkhas of West Bengal got left out. This step-motherly treatment was due to expedient political calculation. Unlike Marathis or Tamils, Gorkhas were too small in number to shake up New Delhi. Of course, Kolkata herself was loathe to give up areas that bought in valuable tea and tourist revenue, even if it ignored the character of West Bengal as a Bengali-speaking state. This anomaly has led to long years of neglect. Bengali politicians do not win elections from the hills and Gorkhas by themselves are too small to influence Kolkata.

In the 1980s, support for Gorkhaland exploded into terrible violence which scarred the hills. This forced some devolution from Kolkata. In 1988, West Bengal formed the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. In 2011, this gave way to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration with expanded powers. Yet, this is not only weaker than other similar autonomous regions such as the Bodoland Territorial Council but, of course, has powers that fall far short of a state government.

India’s principal of making states using languages might seem, at first glance, a divisive tool. However, it is the glue that has kept the Union together, balancing the multiple identities of citizens as both Indian and as members of their local language community. The example of the break up of Pakistan, which tried to wipe out the Bengali identity of East Pakistan, is a warning about the price that could be paid if linguistic nationalism is sought to be suppressed.

Darjeeling hill parties unite to demand Gorkhaland

8:43 PM

The crisis in Darjeeling seemed to deepen with the all-party meeting called by Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leaders on Tuesday afternoon ending a unanimous decision to fight for a separate state of Gorkhaland that was a direct challenge to chief minister Mamata Banerjee who has vowed not to allow a split of Bengal.

The five political parties and an apolitical body that attended the meeting were -- GJM, Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), Gorkhaland Rajya Nirman Morcha, Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh (apolitical), Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists and BJP. The meeting started at 1:30 pm and went on till 4 pm.

Though two parties -- All India Gorkha League (AIGL) and Jan Andolan Party (JAP) -- did not attend, their leaders expressed their support for a separate state.

“We have unanimously decided to fight for Gorkhaland,” said GJM general secretary Roshan Giri. R P Waiba, the vice-president of GJM chaired the meeting in absence of Morcha president Bimal Gurung.

Suman Sharma, assistant secretary of the BJP Hill district committee, was present in the meeting. “I signed the resolution supporting Gorkhaland,” he told HT. BJP Hill Committee president, Manoj Dewan, told HT that he deputed Sharma to attend the meeting.

For ruling Trinamool Congress, the decision of the all-party meeting signals a setback. GNLF, its ally in the recently concluded civic elections that helped it to post a victory in Mirik municipality -- the first by a party from the plains in decades -- clearly voted for a separate state. “Trinamool Congress was our electoral ally and not an ideological ally. It was in a different context. This is politics, the art of the possible,” Niraj Zimba, the spokesperson of GNLF, who was present at the meeting told the media.

Via HT

Lathi charge in Darjeeling on Statehood procession

4:27 PM

At around 10 am, a huge GJM procession chanting slogans against the state government and demanding separate Gorkhaland marched towards Chowkbazar area. The police chased lathi charged and dispersed the crowd.

Senior police officers like Jawed Shamim, Siddinath Gupta, who are members of the three-member committee set up by the government in Darjeeling, were seen with huge police contingents in various parts of the hill.

The GJM leadership has, however, accused the police of resorting to unprovoked lathi-charge on the GJM procession.

“The police resorted to unprovoked lathi charge on a peaceful rally. The more they use force against us, the more intense will be the struggle for a separate Gorkhaland state,” GJM general secretary Roshan Giri told PTI.

Netaji's grand nephew Chandra Kumar Bose Supports Gorkhaland

11:04 AM

GORKHALAND: Netaji's grand nephew Chandra Kumar Bose Extends His Support to Gorkhaland

In what may come as a shot in the arm to the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM) at a time when the party is being cornered by the Mamata Banerjee-govt, Chandra Kumar Bose, the grand nephew of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose, has come out in open support of Gorkhaland, expressing his views on the issue perhaps for the first time. In a series of tweets, Chandra Bose articulated and defended the demand for #Gorkhaland as "an issue of respect and identity of the Gorkhas" which the state govt had "betrayed".

Recalling the contribution of the Gorkhas to the freedom struggle of the country and their unwavering support to Netaji Subash Chandra Bose, Chandra Bose asserted that "Gorkhas must get their respect & identity - they participated in the freedom struggle with Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.... People of the hills gave full support to Netaji as they got respect. It's time we give that honour once again. Jai Hind!

It is important to note that Chandra Kumar Bose, who joined BJP last year and was seen as its Chief Ministerial candidate in the run upto the last assembly election of the state, is the Vice-President of the West Bengal BJP unit and his open support to Gorkhaland could pacify the dissenting voices in the Bengal unit of the organisation as well as lend voice and support to the Gorkhaland lobby within the BJP.

Demand for Gorkhaland based on historical arguments, people’s voice should be dispassionately heard

8:00 AM

Demand for Gorkhaland based on historical arguments, people’s voice should be dispassionately heard

Writes: Sadhan Mukherjee*

Thousands of tourists are stuck in Darjeeling as all routes to that tourist spot including the Toy Train are closed. Special flights are being arranged but how to reach the nearest airport at Bagdogra when all roads are closed? From today (12 June) an indefinite bandh of government offices has been called.

Quite a big number of forces have been deployed by the state government. But violence has already begun in some places like in Bijonbari and Sukna.

The present flare up was occasioned by the introduction of Bengali as compulsory language by the state government. To this has now been added the old demand for Gorkhaland. After the Gorkha National National Liberation Front (GNLF) carried on its agitation for an independent Gorkhaland (1986-1988), a settlement in 1988 was arrived at with the Indian authorities.

The GNLF was split after the settlement and after the death of GNLF chief Subhas Ghising in 2015, it became weak. The demand for separate Gorkhaland was resurrected by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leader Bimal Gurung in 2007 and is continuing.

Obviously, the 1988 agreement did not work and the development work to be undertaken in the hilly areas was not satisfactory. But actually behind the slogan of lack of development work is the old demand for a distinct state, not just an adjunct administration under West Bengal.

It is British imperialism that is essentially responsible for creating all sorts of divisions in the subcontinent as it was convenient for them to divide and rule. The Indian government initially followed the British style of administration but the movements in states forced them to redraw the maps of existing states. There is a long history behind the reorganisation of states in the Indian Union.

The history of this subcontinent is a history of twisted developments. The Gorkhas had invaded Sikkim dominion of Chogyal around 1780 when they captured most part of Sikkim state including Darjeeling and Siliguri. For 35 years they ruled but lost these areas after the British-Nepal war. Nepal was forced to cede its territory from Teesta region to Sutlej in 1816. In 1817 the British East India Company reinstated the Chogyal and restored most of the land he previously ruled.

The British gave Darjeeling to Sikkim but in 1835 took it back since it was to start tea plantation in that area on a large scale.

No one today really talks about 1780 but only from 1835.

Similar things were also done with Bhutan which was given the Bengal Dooars area, previously under the Raja of Cooch Behar, while in return Bhutan gave Kalimpong to British. Like British arrangement, the external relations of Bhutan are now guided on the advice of India.

The British made Darjeeling a “Non-Regulated Area” which meant that rules and regulations of British Raj did not automatically apply to the district. It was then changed to a “Scheduled District” and again to “Backward Tracts” and finally to “Partially Excluded Area” until the independence of India. A lot of mess thus was left over by the British.

The Lepchas actually were the original inhabitants of the area and they were engaged in zhoom (shifting) cultivation. But they were small in number. This is the pretext that is put forward to say that Gorkhas were outsiders. In 1865 the British started tea cultivation and soon built a narrow gauge railway to Darjeeling. Many people came to work in the plantations and settled down and among them were many Gorkha labourers. They were then all British subjects.

But after independence in 1947 India entered into a treaty with Nepal in 1950 offering reciprocal privileges of residence, ownership of properties, participation in trade and commerce, as well as movement. It also made a Gorkha’s Indian citizenship a reciprocal one, and thereby they lost their Indian identity.

The Gorkhaland demand is based on the linguistic difference of the people of Darjeeling hill areas as well as the people of Indian Gorkha origin. Historically, Darjeeling was not a part of Bengal and when states were reorganised, this demand for a Gorkhaland was not taken into account. But the demand existed from 1907 when a memorandum was submitted to the Minto-Morley reforms committee for a separate administrative set up. It was raised before the Simon Commission in 1930 again, and reiterated in 1941.

Even the undivided Communist Party of India submitted a memorandum to the Constituent Assembly demanding the formation of a Gorkhastan comprising Darjeeling district, Sikkim and Nepal. This was raised again in 1952 by Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League and in 1980 by Pranta Parishad demanding separation from Bengal.

In 1986, Gorkha National Liberation Front took over the demand of separate Gorkhaland and the movement became violent. In 1988 an agreement was arrived at for a semi-autonomous body called Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) to govern certain areas of Darjeeling district. This was not very satisfying to the Gorkha people and the agitation was revived for a separate state in 2007 led by Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and in 2011 a new agreement was arrived at on Gorkhaland Territorial Administration replacing the DGHC.

Some fuel to the demand for Gorkhaland was added by the BJP which before the 2009 elections announced its policy to have smaller states and supported the formation of Telangana and Gorkhaland. BJP candidate Jaswant Singh won the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat backed by GJM. The same year top BJP leaders Rajiv Prasad Rudy, Sushma Swaraj and Jaswant Singh pleaded for a Gorkhaland in Parliament during 2009 budget session. In the next general election, S S Aluwalia of BJP won with GJM support.

Meanwhile in 2010 leader of Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League Madan Tamang was murdered and the West Bengal Government threatened to take strong action against GJM. In 2011, three GJM activists were shot dead. There was a spontaneous shutdown of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong distrocts.

The GJM undertook a padayatra which led to violence in Darjeeling district and an indefinite strike was called by GJM which lasted for 9 days. In the 2011 state elections, three GJM candidates won from Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseaong distrct and a fourth one, an independent supported by GJM won from Kalchini in Dooars.

In July 2011 another Memorandum of Agreement was signed for a Gorkhaland Territorial Administration GTA). During the election campaign that year, Mamata Banerjee had implied that this would end the Gorkhaland agitation while Bimal Gurung felt it was another step towards statehood. A bill for creation of GTA was passed in the West Bengal state Assembly.

In the July 2012 elections for GTA, GJM candidates won from 17 constituencies and the rest 28 seats were won unopposed.

But in July 2013 Bimal Gurung complained of too much interference by West Bengal government and resigned.

Gorkhaland agitation was renewed. The same year Congress recommended formation of separate Telengana state. This further intensified the demand for Gorkhaland and a separate Bodoland in Assam.

To press for its demand, GJM called for a 3-day bandh followed by an indefinite bandh from 3 August. Meanwhile the Calcutta High Court declared the bandh illegal. West Bengal government then sent paramilitary forces to Darjeeling and arrested prominent GJM leaders.

In reply GJM went for a unique form of protest in which people voluntarily stayed at home and did not come out. This was a great success. After an all-party meeting, it was resolved to continue the movement and exercise bandh under different names.

It is clear that this demand for a Gorkhaland is based on some historical arguments and does not seem directed against West Bengal or the Bengalis as such. The fact is that more than 80% people in Darjeeling district speak Nepali.

So its distinct character is not under dispute. Telengana is now a separate state from Andhra Pradesh where another form of Telegu and Urdu are spoken than that of Andhra Pradesh. The demand for separate states of Vidarbh, Bundelkahand and similar areas are also simmering. The moot point is should the people’s voice be heard dispassionately or not.

This also raises another allied important question if there should be another ‘states reorganisation’ based on more rational principles. Bihar has been reorganised with some areas going to West Bengal and the southern part to Jharkhand. Uttarakhand has also been formed. So is Telangana.

The Uttar Pradesh State Assembly has already passed a unanimous resolution in 2011 recommending division of Uttar Pradesh into four states, The central government has not agreed to it and its resolution continues to hang fire.

Meanwhile, Darjeeling areas are sitting on top of a volcano.
---
*Veteran journalist [Via: Counterview.in]

GJMM BANDH CALL:-Section 144 imposed

3:31 PM

-GJMM has asked tourists to leave Darjeeling and warned those who stay on during its attempted lockdown of administrative offices

-Section 144 has been imposed in some areas, particularly around District Magistrate's office, treasury building and court

Section 144 has been imposed in some areas, particularly around District Magistrate's office, treasury building and court. Second 144 was in place in some parts of the Hills ever since trouble started but the enforcement has actually begun since Monday.

The areas, where important government offices are located have been put under heavy security cover.

Toy train services - a major attraction for the tourists - have been suspended but schools and colleges are open. Traffic was reported to be thin in Darjeeling city as many people chose to stay home fearing violence.

GJM supporters reportedly set ablaze a PWD office near Government college. The flames were doused by fire services personnel, but the building suffered extensive damage. The culprits soon fled the spot. No arrests have been made yet.

Gorkha Janmukti Morcha supporters have torched a Block Development Office in Bajanbari , ADG Darjeeling, Siddhinath Gupta, said the situation has been brought under control, and three people have been arrested in this connection.

[Pics: PWD office near Government College. The flames were doused by fire services personnel, but the building suffered extensive damage. The culprits soon fled the spot. No arrests have been made yet.] [Via: various sources]

Darjeeling Crisis - Who should be blamed?

10:45 AM

PERSPECTIVE: Who should be blamed?

Writes: Norbu Bhutia Angu

Blaming CM Smt. Mamta Bannerjee is fair for the unrest in the hills but it's unfair to over look the contribution of our leaders towards the cause too? I am not affiliated to any party in the hills. As all Gorkhas even I want a separate state and a identity. But at what cost???? Absolutely not by stepping over the corpses of my people and over the corpses of our security personnel who are one of us just performing their duties.

It's understandable why people are resonating. But the actual reason for resonating is within our family. Why did we accepted different boards? How did TMC formed a board in Mirik? Why there were independent candidates contesting elections. All this would not have taken place if the ruling party and the leaders were committed towards the cause which they have once stood for and stayed committed towards it.

I think it's foolish and absurd just to blame Mamta for all the unrest and commotion because at the end of the day deep beneath our heart we know that we have been betrayed by our own leaders whom we have trusted and entrusted with all devotion n support,for a dream that was never so far only if our leaders were committed. Our dream our aspirations our Gorkhaland.

Via TheDC

Education strike in Darjeeling to protest linguistic imperialism

10:27 AM

HILLS TO PROTEST LINGUISTIC IMPERIALISM - Two Day Education Strike Called

Writes: Vivek Chhetri

Bimal Gurung yesterday called a two-day education strike in the hills this week and a series of marches during the chief minister's impending visit to protest the state government's move to make Bengali a compulsory subject at schools.

The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha president announced the agitation at a session convened by the party with Nepali literary figures, college professors, representatives of educational institutions in the hills and social organisations like Gorkha Dukha Niwarak Sammelan, teachers and other apolitical people here.

"The government is trying to force a language on us and its not acceptable. We will protest the move vehemently and I will personally take to the streets. We will request the closure of all educational institutions in the hills on June 1 and 2. I am hearing that they (Mamata Banerjee) will be coming to Darjeeling on June 4 and during this period, we will show our resentment by holding marches with black flags across the hills from June 4 to 8 (during chief minister's entire stay in the hills)," Gurung told the gathering at Gorkha Rangamanch Bhavan.

The protest against the Mamata government's decision to make the learning of Bengali compulsory at schools across the state seems to be moving out of the realms of political domain. Representatives of top schools in the hills, like St Paul's School and St Joseph's School (North Point), were preset at the meeting called by the Morcha.

Before Gurung had announced the strike, the gathering called upon him to start a strong movement on the matter.

In the hills, most students have English as their first language and Nepali as the second language. Making Bengali compulsory would mean that there would be no choice left and it would be a tall task for educational institutions in the hills to find teachers for Bengali language.

Gurung said he would participate in the marches from June 4 onwards in Darjeeling. In the hill town, the procession will be taken out from Ghoom to Darjeeling town, a distance of 8km.

He has called for similar marches across the hills and the Dooars and the Terai as well. "If the need arises, we might even call a general strike in the days to come," said Gurung.

Language has been a major issue in the hills, which had agitated for almost three decades for the recognition of Nepali in the Eight Schedule of the Constitution. Nepali was listed in the Constitution in 1992.

The Bengal government had recognised Nepali as an official language for the hills in 1961.

Jiwan Namdung, a Sahitya Academy award winner, said at the meeting that "making Bengali compulsory is wrong and unacceptable".

"Since the government is looking at making Bengali mandatory in the hills, can they reciprocate by making Nepali compulsory in the plains, too? We salute their decision to safeguard their language but they have to address our concerns, too," he said.

Prem Pradhan, also a Sahitya Academy award holder, spoke on similar lines and said the decision could be a sinister ploy to "suppress the Gorkhaland demand".

Bishal Thapa, the secretary of the Hill College Professors' Association, said: "While Bengali language is being made mandatory, provisions have not yet been made to make Nepali literature an option in the state civil services examinations. In State Eligibility Test, Nepali is not a language in which one can sit for the examination. There is a political motive behind the move to make Bengali compulsory."

Political observers believe if the state government does go ahead with the language decision, it might have to face widespread backlash given the sentiments attached to the language in the hills.

Gurung said: "Such giants of the society are with me today, not to support the Morcha but to stand by the community. I request all other parties to participate in the protest setting aside all political differences."

[Via: Telegraph]

Why has the demand for Gorkhaland returned to Darjeeling?

9:52 AM
Why has the demand for Gorkhaland returned to Darjeeling?

Written by Aniruddha Ghosal

The demand for a seperate Gorkha state is an issue that since its first origins in the 1970s has dictated politics in the hills.

September 28, 2016  In 2009, Mamata Banerjee’s proximity to Bimal Gurung was a cause of great concern for the Left. At the time, Gurung-led GJM had perfected the bandh-boycott movement in their Gorkhaland movement – indefinite shutdowns, boycotting government taxes, telephone, electricity bills, blocking national highways to paralysing panchayats. As a 12-hour bandh returns to Darjeeling, it is apparent that while a lot has changed since 2009 – some things haven’t.

Prime among them is the sheer fervor of the Gorkhaland demand – a fervor that Bimal Gurung, now on the back foot hopes will provide him enough ammo to combat friend-turned-foe Mamata Banerjee as she continues her tactic of dividing the hills, combining development with the creation of different boards. Meanwhile, Darjeeling waits, anxiously.
demand for Gorkhaland
Demand for Gorkhaland a file Photo

Bimal Gurung and Gorkhaland, today
On the face of it, the 2016 Assembly elections were a victory for Bimal Gurung. But the party’s performance – particularly in Kalimpong, which had historically been Gurung’s political backyard – have left the party worried. Even more worrying is the string of senior party leaders fleeing ship and joining the Trinamool Congress, including GTA chairman Pradeep Pradhan, joining the TMC. Unsurprisingly Gurung relaunched the Gorkhaland demand, while simultaneously filing a plea in the Supreme Court challenging the West Bengal government’s refusal to transfer administrative power and various subjects to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, in spite of a tripartite agreement that was reached within the state and union governments in 2011.

Gurung’s dominance of politics in Darjeeling began in 2007, with him emerging as the voice for the demand for a seperate Gorkha state, the issue that since its first origins in the 1970s has dictated politics in the hills. The movement had seen its most violent phase between 1986-88 when Subhash Ghishing’s Gorkha National Liberation Front lead the movement, until his lieutenant Gurung began his own party with the GJM in 2007. Journalist and long time observer Romit Bagchi, in his book, “Gorkhaland: Crisis of Statehood” points out that the “singular quality” that allowed Gurung to replace Ghising’s leadership was “his invincible loyalty to the paramount cause of the community” – the demand for statehood. Writing in 2009, Bagchi predicts that “people would not accept a mellowed Bimal Gurung who speaks the voice of reason and restraint”.

His opposition believes that Gurung’s popularity has been waning, with many believing that he fell into the very trap of “reason and restraint” while joining hands with the Trinamool. Now, Gurung knows that he’s cornered by Trinamool Congress – who has begun a tactic of ‘divide and rule’ – that has left him virtually alone. His decision to relaunch the Gorkhaland protest – with bandhs and boycoots – is not just a case of ensuring political relevance, but also a return to the form of politics that he is most familiar with.

Mamata Banerjee’s tactics
Meanwhile Mamata Banerjee’s politics, of divide-and-rule combined with the unwavering rhetoric of development (which the opposition alleges is just that, rhetoric) has allowed her to make inroads into the hills. On October 2009, Mamata Banerjee – the then rail minister – flagged off the long awaited New Jalpaiguri-Digha Weekly Express and said that the railway link between Darjeeling hills and the sea would usher in a “new era” with “enormous possibilities” and “fresh employment opportunities”. In the past six years, none of this has changed. In her last speech in Kalimpong, Banerjee announced the government’s decision to accord Kalimpong seperate district status, a longstanding demand of the area while once again launching into a speech laden with the rhetoric of development. A slew of new announcements and projects, along with the customary call for “peace” – Banerjee’s politics seems unchanged.

But in the run up to the 2016 elections, Banerjee started announcing the creation of development boards for different communities living in Darjeeling – the Lepcha Development Board and the Tamang Development Board. This apart from the GTA which is responsible for governing the whole of Darjeeling district. While the Gorkhas remain the dominant community here, the Lepchas, Limpus, Tamangs, Bhutias, Rais, Dukpas, Sherpas, and Tibetans also form a sizeable population. In the speech at Kalimpong, Banerjee announced, “More boards will be announced”

Via indianexpress

GJM youth front to spread awareness about Gorkhaland statehood demand

8:52 AM
Darjeeling 10 Aug 2016 After the central committee of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha rendered clarifications on its party president’s recent statement calling for an armed struggle, its youth front today  said a rally will be held on Thursday to spread awareness about the statehood demand.

Talking to reporters, Anil Rasaily, the Gorkha Janmukti Yuwa Morcha (GJYM) president from Tukvar constituency, said, “People are talking about the issue of Gorkhaland demand being diluted and forgotten. But we the youth want to send a message through tomorrow’s rally that the issue is still burning within us and that we will continue to strive towards achieving our dream."

Speaking at a meeting in Darjeeling last Sunday, GJM president Bimal Gurung reminded the gathering of the 1986 agitation and said the youths should talk about “khukuri” and arms. The GJM leadership  however, clarified the very next day that the party president’s statement was misconstrued. On Monday, GJM general secretary Roshan Giri and assistant secretary Binay Tamang said in a press meet that the party believed in “boudhik” (intellectual) agitation in pursuing the statehood demand.

The statement was reiterated today by the GJYM. “Our struggle for a separate state will be an intellectual one. We want the youths to be aware of this fact and work accordingly towards our goal,” said Rasaily. Tilak Chhetri, the GJM town committee president, said youth activists were one-track when it came to the statehood demand. “We (youths) will remain sincere towards the statehood demand come what may. Lots of things have happened and are happening in the hills at present. But we never gave our consent to any kind of arrangements,” he said in reference to the party accepting the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration to end four years of agitation and the recent activities of other political parties.

In fact, the youth leader appealed to all political parties of the hills to support the GJM in achieving a separate state. “Why only judge and speak against us? If the political parties here are really sincere, they should join hands for the statehood demand,” Chhetri said, adding the youth front would continue to organise political activities in the future for the statehood demand.

Tomorrow’s rally will start from Tukvar, encompass the constituencies of Tukvar, Pandam-Phoobshering, Lebong-Badamtam and Sadar I and II, and culminate at Chowk Bazar in the heart of town  where a street meeting will be held. Youths from the town will join the rally in the Motor Stand area. 

(EOIC)


Bimal Gurung threatens fresh statehood agitation

10:58 AM
DARJEELING 27 Jul 2016 Gorkha Janmukti Morcha president Bimal Gurung today vented his frustration and anger at the state government for its alleged interference and threatened to re-start the statehood movement. He said so during a programme organised by the party to observe Shahid Diwas, to commemorate the deaths of more than 1,200 people killed during the 1986 agitation. The GJM organised separate Shahid Diwas programmes in various parts of the hills to pay homage to those killed in the first statehood agitation and also felicitated the families of the martyrs.

Gurung is upset with chief minister Mamata Banerjee for forming community development boards, which he said, was a ploy to divide the hill people. He has repreatedly accused the state government  of interfering in the independent functioning of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. And very recently, Gurung was visibly upset when the state government observed the birth anniversary of

Nepali poet Bhanubhakta Acharya on July 13, which he claims, was conducted without adequate participation from the Gorkha community.
Bimal Gurung threatens fresh statehood agitation
GJM chief Bimal Gurung with his associate Roshan Giri during a media conference. File photo
Speaking at the programme today, a charged up Gurung said, “She (Banerjee) comes to Darjeeling and only sees the Kanchenjunga smiling. But she is unaffected by the people’s anguish.

Do not try to divide our community and test our tolerance. This is not good as in time a volcano will erupt in the hills and it will not be easy to handle."

The GJM chief said the chief minister was trying to spread her party’s tentacles in the hills by playing on people’s sentiments. “The Bhanubhakta birth anniversary celebration was hijacked, and now the state government will also do the same with the July 27 Shahid Diwas programme. Such injustice and interference will only give rise to frustration among the people, which may take a terrible turn in the near future,” said Gurung.

He invoked the martyrs of the 1986 agitation saying the Shahid Diwas event could be a turning point for the hills. “In the first statehood movement, 1,200 died and in the second phase in 2007, seven sacrificed their lives. But now thousands may become martyrs. We must be mentally prepared to fight,” said Gurung.

The GJM chief had actually embarked on a padyatra last year to pursue the statehood demand, and today he said without specifying he would go far away from his family.

“I will be going far away from my family and will only return when a separate state is achieved. This is my last appeal to the people to support me as you have done in the past.

The youths must come forward and party leaders and Sabhasads must be prepared to struggle for a separate state and not only go to jail but also lay down their lives,” he said.

Gurung also took a dig at the central government urging it to understand the aspirations of the people. “We are not demanding a country but a separate state within the Union. The central government should understand this demand is our right and is justified. We want the Centre to give us justice,” he said.

Via EOI

‪‎Kejriwal‬ Wants Referrendum - Can We Have One for ‪‎Gorkhaland‬?

8:58 PM
After Brexit, Arvind Kejriwal has pitched for what may be termed a "Dexit" - Delhi's liberation from central control. "After UK referendum, Delhi will soon have a referendum on full statehood," the Delhi chief minister tweeted today.

The Constitution, however, lacks any provision for settling issues through referendums. Kejriwal's call generated an animated debate, with some asking him whether he would step down like British Prime Minister David Cameron if his side too was defeated in a referendum.

Last year, too, Kejriwal had called for a referendum on full statehood and asked the urban development department to draft a law and create the machinery for such a vote.

Asked how this could be done without a constitutional mandate, Kejriwal's media adviser, Nagendar Sharma, said it would only be a way of gauging the popular opinion.

"Statehood can only happen by a constitutional amendment and that is not in the Delhi government's hands. This is just a way of testing the pulse," Sharma said.
‪‎Kejriwal
‪‎Gorkha Foundation - India met Hon'ble CM of Delhi Shri Arvind Kejriwal.
Yogendra Yadav, a former fellow traveller who has parted ways with the Aam Aadmi Party, supported the idea of referendums.

"Just because the Constitution does not provide for it does not mean it is barred. Statehood is precisely the kind of issue on which decisions should be taken through a referendum," he said.
Here is ‪‎Darjeeling‬'s chance to do this mental exercise... Do you want ‪‎Gorkha exit‬ from Bengal?

Please VOTE
http://www.easypolls.net/poll.html


Via The DC


WHY I SUPPORT ‪GORKHALAND‬: The tale of a non-Gorkhali

12:50 PM
Writes: Upendra

The gentleman from Kolkata who questioned if Gorkhas have a right to demand Gorkhaland in India, was properly answered by Mr Suhotra Banerjee a Gorkha Bengali from Darjeeling... He wrote, "Goethals, Victoria,Downhill, HBS (to certain extent) students (hostelite) can say that as maximum of them had no connect with the town. They used to come to town once a week may be or else Darjeeling or SLG.... But ask those Bengali's who stay here or have passed out from Pushparani, St.Joseph, Played in Montiviate or Pankabari fields (as their was no other fields to play). We want our GORKHALAND. We may not be Nepali's, but as we are born and brought up here, we are a part of this movement since 1985... Few odd Bongs who doesn't stay here will never understand the sentiment."

Hence we are reproducing this older article by Upendra which was originally posted in Darjeeling Times in 2008 as it echos exactly these same sentiments.... Also this article may allow the Abhadralok form Kolkata to see that Gorkhaland is not just a demand by Nepalis, the term Gorkha includes everyone living in our beloved hills

WHY I SUPPORT GORKHALAND: The tale of a non-Gorkhali
This write up is based on true experiences of a dear friend of mine, who has been living in Darjeeling for the past 35 years. He is a Bengali originally from a place near Siliguri. He shared his experiences with me, and I in turn extracted his permission to add my own two bits and publish. This write up is special to me, because, my friend had tears in his eyes, by the time he was done sharing his emotions. The words are mine, but the narrative and the feelings are entirely his.

Many ask me why do I support the notion of Gorkhaland even though I am, visibly a minority, do not prefer to speak Nepali and am not even married to one. My “so called” friends and well-wishers wanted to know why am I so much Pro-Gorkhaland? Was I being bribed or was family being threatened?
WHY I SUPPORT ‪GORKHALAND‬: The tale of a non-Gorkhali
File pic for representative purpose only - Photo source DT
It happens often, when I travel to the plains, and breach the topic of unrest in the Darjeeling Himalayas with people I know, they assure me, “Chinta Koris Naa, Aamra Aacchhii” (Hey!! Don’t worry, we are there). When I say, “I am not worried at all, but seems like you all are”, they look at me with disgust and say, “Mono hocchye paharey bosey tor matha kharab hoye gyecchey noiley Bangali hoy keno Gorkhaland support korchiss rey?” (Seems like having stayed in the hills for so long, your brain is sick. Otherwise why else would you support Gorkhaland, being a Bengali yourself?) What my “so called” friends fail to see is that’s all the opening I need to educate them as to why I support Gorkhaland.

Right and Justice
I am a Bengali and not the self-hating kind. I love my country. I strongly believe that all the sections of our nation’s population should have the right to self-determination. One of the most well-known phrases of Indian freedom movement was,“Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it”. Our country was founded on the idea of Swaraj (self-rule) so I believe, when the Gorkhalis of Darjeeling demand a land of their own to rule and to prosper, it is in fact not only their right but it is the governments’ duty to ensure that their right is protected.

A tea garden worker in Darjeeling earns INR 65 per day, and there are thousands of them. Their pay has remained unchanged for almost a decade now where as the pay of everyone who works in The Tea Board of India, headquartered in Kolkata has seen a raise twice (fifth pay and sixth pay commission) and there is a talk of more increases soon. Even the peon there earns at least 10 times more than these workers. I ask my “so called” friends, how do you justify this? When people who do the actual production are starving to death in Dooars, Tea Consultants in Kolkata are earning millions of rupees and flying all over the world representing Darjeeling tea and Dooars tea. I pose this question, “Should we allow our ego to overrule logic and facts? Is it fair for these tea garden workers to starve here, while someone in Kolkata enjoys all the privileges? Un-surprisingly, my “so called” friends have no answer.

The 'Sarbaharas'
The district of Darjeeling has seen population growth of phenomenal proportions since 1965s. The decadal growth of population has been a steady 40% and is perhaps the highest in the country. Given the area that is, this kind of population growth is unnatural so I pose this question to my “so called” friends from the plains, “how did the population of our district raise so drastically”? They do not reply, for they know the answer but obligingly I help, “Remember the post-1965 illegal immigrants from erstwhile East Pakistan”, who came over with nothing more than just the clothes they were wearing?

These illegal immigrants, who liked to call themselves 'sarbaharas' (ones who've lost everything) have now settled in places in and around Siliguri. Those who are the original residents of West Bengal, widely known as the ‘Ghotis’ (which includes my family) resent the large-scale influx of these illegal immigrants (the ‘Bangals’). They have diluted the original population of the place and now these illegal immigrants have an upper hand. So every native, including the ‘Ghoti’ Bengalis, will support a separate state in Darjeeling and Dooars, in order to protect the original inhabitants of the land “What about you guys?” I ask friends and they stand mute.

CPI (M) and Trinmool Congress (TMC)
Everyone in Bengal knows that the CPI (M) rode to power in Bengal on the unflinching support of the 'sarbaharas', who came to regard the Marxists as their saviors. These illegal immigrants are still being brought over in hordes especially in North-Bengal earlier by the CPI (M) and now by the TMC. I find it amusing that, the Government of India has not bothered to check the legal status of these illegal immigrants. I am sure, none of these people applied for immigration legally. Has the government of India taken their assimilation for granted? Or does the government of India not care?

The Midas like touch which the CPI (M) had earlier exhibited and now TMC has continued, turned everything they touch into garbage, instead of gold. Look at all the industries that West Bengal had and compare it with the present day. Failure to deliver any developmental projects in Nandigram, Singur, Lalbagh, Dooars has now turned desperate TMC into a beast ready to do anything to retain its power. By now my audience tries to run away but I do not let them get away. I press further.

North Bengal
The Left, the right and the center in West Bengal is biased towards the development of South-Bengal. Of the 14 districts in the state, 6 are in North-Bengal and 8 in South-Bengal. The population ratio of South to North is approximately 3:1, which means for every person in North-Bengal there are three in South-Bengal. However, South Bengal has over 14 universities, whereas North-Bengal has but one. South Bengal has over 25 medical colleges, whereas North-Bengal has but one.

So finally I ask my “so called” friends, “Why should we want to remain with West Bengal, when they do not consider us equal?” Just because I am a Bengali does not mean I have been treated as equal or fair. Why should we want to remain in a state where we do not matter? All our decisions are taken by people from South. What has the CPI (M) government done in terms of development in its 33 years of rule?

At least, if Gorkhaland is formed Siliguri and Dooars is guaranteed and bound to develop whereas if we remain with West Bengal, we will never develop.

By now, most of my “so called” friends have already left, but with a thoughtful look in their eyes.

I support the notion of Gorkhaland and I am sure many others do… and if it could be explained to the people living in Siliguri and surrounding areas, that our economic well-being and prosperity is tied to us severing ties with West Bengal, I am sure many more would support the formation of a new state. Whether you call it Gorkhaland or simply the state of “Darjeeling and Doors” is a separate matter.


Via The DC


Reflect on the "Identity Crisis" We ‪Gorkhas‬ Face, and Why ‪Gorkhaland‬ is Necessary

8:47 AM
How a Bollywood Movie Stereotype Made Me Reflect on the "Identity Crisis" We ‪Gorkhas‬ Face, and Why ‪Gorkhaland‬ is Necessary
Writes: Abriti Moktan*

I was doing a project on the "identity crisis" faced by the Gorkha communities in India and after having worked on it I have become more sensitive towards the issue. My brother friend who graduated from IIM Bangalore had once told me that identity crisis can be checked only by the community itself by earning a credible name in every sector through hard work and perseverance. But now it makes me wonder even after having luminaries in every field from literary, social activism, journalism, education, sports, fashion, music, corporations, bureaucracy, politics to science, the country still thinks the Indian Gorkhas who are ethnically Nepalese and whose mother tongue is Nepali to fall in the servant class.

It was indeed very sad to have encountered a small part in the “Kapoor and Sons” where Alia Bhatt’s caretaker servant is portrayed to be a Nepali. The locale of the movie is the hill station Coonoor, which also resembled my hometown Darjeeling in many ways, with its tea plantations, view points, and the curvy roads. The movie was intriguing with the kind of story it depicted. The audiences can relate to it and enjoy every bit of emotional upheavals which was so very played by all the characters. A small world with the complexity in every relationship where the differences among the family members is finally resolved. Tears rolled down my eyes too, but something in the movie left a very bitter taste, the depiction of ‘Kishore’, a character in the film.”
Gorkhalis burning Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty in 1986 which lead to the Kalimpong Massacre, thus leading to violence in the hills in which over 1200 Gorkhas were killed
Gorkhalis burning Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty in 1986 which lead to the Kalimpong Massacre,
thus leading to violence in the hills in which over 1200 Gorkhas were killed
“Kapoor and Sons” is directed by Shakun Batra, and featured Fawad Khan and Alia Bhatt, two of my favorite actors. Alia’s (Tia) caretaker servant is portrayed to be a Nepali/Gorkha guy.

Interestingly the writers this time did not stick to the conventional name “Bahadur” and named the servant as ’Kishore’ The movie was smoothly running until when “Kishore” entered the frame and asked Tia (Alia Bhatt) if he could go and watch a Nepali film that has released in the town. Tia asks him to go and watch it alone as she doesn’t understand the Nepali language. The second time “Kishore” enters the frame is when he offers help to Tia when the electricity is down in the house.

Well, the whole scene of this Nepali Servant might not even have lasted for more than two to three minutes but it left a lasting impression on me.

The locale of the movie is Coonoor which made me curious of the fact that the hilly place must have been chosen for some reason. When I recollected the number of Bollywood movies shot in Darjeeling and researched, I was surprised to find that one or the other kind of misrepresentation has happened in the past too.

After I have done all my research on the ‘identity crisis’ for my university papers, perhaps I am now more aware in understanding how outsiders perceive about us and our Identity. My brother’s friend who graduated from IIM Bangalore had once told me that “identity crisis” can be checked only by the community itself by earning a credible name in every sector through hard work and perseverance. But now it makes me wonder, even after having luminaries in every field from literary, social activism, journalism, education, sports, fashion, music, corporations, bureaucracy, politics to science, the country still thinks the Indian Gorkhas who are ethnically Nepalese and whose mother tongue is Nepali to fall in the servant class.

Mr. Shakun Batra, the director who happens to be the co-writer too, I just have one question for you. “When you wrote about “Kishore” did u think of him to be just an immigrant from Nepal or an ‘Indian Gorkhali?’

Either ways there is an illustrious history of Nepalese people from Nepal and the Indian Gorkhalis residing in India. Time and again portraying a particular community to be a servant class does not get digested well. The cliché that has been attached to the Nepali community needs to be DROPPED.

For those of you who are interested in reading my University presentation, here is the detailed paper I have researched on the identity and political history of the Gorkhas in India.

Demand for a separate state Gorkhaland vis-à-vis Identity Crisis
The queen of the hills Darjeeling found in the lap of the Himalayas is located in the northern region of West Bengal. This territory of Darjeeling was transferred to the Bengal presidency in 1935 when the British rulers faced difficulty in its administration. Ever since it has been a part of Bengal. The denizens of this region are ethnically, linguistically, culturally and traditionally different from the rest of Bengal. The everyday experience of this community of people known as the Gorkhas has given impetus to the “identity crisis” which has been felt by them since time immemorial. The identity crisis can be seen to be a social construct but when the Gorkhas have to face an insult on an everyday basis the demand for national identity becomes all the more relevant and valid for them.

Before Telangana state was formed, a friend from Darjeeling who lives in another city had posted this conversation, which explains how the "identity crisis" manifests:

"Monday morning on my birthday day... had gone to the temple... and the conversation followed:
Pandit Ji: Where are you guys from?
Me: Darjeeling
Pandit Ji: So you guys are Nepali?
Me: Ethnically, yes...
Curious random stranger from Kerela: Where are you from?
Me: Darjeeling
Pandit ji: That's in Nepal?
Me: No, it’s in India
Pandit Ji: Oooooo which province?
Me: West Bengal
Curious random stranger from Kerela: O so you guys are Bengali?
Me: No... I am a Nepali... whose state is West Bengal
Curious random stranger from Kerela: So you are from Nepal?
Me: No uncle ethnically I am a Nepali, and I am from India
Pandit Ji: So how are you in India? did you guys immigrate?
Me: No Panditji, we came with the land, that's why we are demanding Gorkhaland... our own province to end this confusion."

The first deputy Prime Minister of India Shri Vallabhai Patel stated his doubt over the patriotism, loyalty and the sincerity of the Gorkhas. Prime Minister Moraji Desai termed Nepali the mother tongue of the Gorkhas as a “foreign language.” The prominent political figures of the West Bengal state Dr.Mukund Majumdar, CPI(M) leader Asok Bhattacharjee and many other Bengali scholars like Sumanta Sen continue to claim the ethnic Gorkhas as foreigners and intruders. Mr. Chandra Kumar Bose the grand nephew of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose who is contesting for the upcoming legislative assembly election in Bengal went on to say that “slogans like ‘Bharat ki Barbaadi’ and ‘Gorkhaland’ attack the integrity of India” (Darjeeling Times).

Here is a short historical fact. Darjeeling and the Terai areas was a part of the Kirat kingdom Bijaypur, after the disintegration of this kingdom Darjeeling was annexed with Sikkim and Bhutan. Thereafter the Anglo-Nepalese war of 1814-1815 ensued; Treaty of Sugauli was signed between the Nepal and East India Company in 2nd December 1815 and implemented in 4th March 1816. Under this Treaty Nepal had to cede away a huge expansion of its territory to the Britishers. The east India Company after forcing the treaty upon the Nepal king returned Darjeeling to Sikkim through Treaty of Titaliya (Datta, 2014). Britishers when encountered the Gorkha warriors they saw in them the everlasting fire of bravery and proclaimed them to be a martial race. They recruited them in the British army and established the Gorkha regiment in the year 1814.

Later Darjeeling was leased out to the British by the Maharaja of Sikkim to build a sanatorium (Datta, 2014). The Britishers had thus discovered the Queen of the hills with its native populace. Down the years in order to establish their base through construction of infrastructure and industry the colonizers facilitated the migration of people from Nepal for more manpower.

The highlanders under the suppression of the colonizers had managed to form ‘The Hillmen Association’ which put forward the demand for a separate administrative set up for Darjeeling in 1907. This is taken to be the first demand for the separation of Darjeeling. This was followed in similar suit in the subsequent years of 1917, 1920, 1929, 1930, 1934, 1935, 1937, 1941, 1943 (Wangyal).

In 1947 the CPIM members of the hill demanded for a separate nation Gorkhasthan comprising of Nepal, Darjeeling, Sikkim to the vice president of the interim government pt. Jawaharlal Nehru. This was followed again by the demand for a separate administrative set up in the years 1949, 1952. In 1986 which happened to be the 23rd demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland within India was spearheaded by Shri Subash Ghishing the leader of the Gorkha National Liberation Front. The trigger for this movement had been the ‘Bhumiputra - son of the soil movement’ in the north-east which had led to the eviction of the Gorkhas from the state of Meghalaya and Assam. The 1986 agitation saw a scenario like the tragedy of Jallianwalla Bagh; on 27th July 1986 the protesters in Kalimpong while burning the Indo-Nepal treaty of 1950 were fired at indiscriminately which resulted in the death of 13 people and leaving 50 injured.

The hill people regard this day as the Black day in the history of the Gorkhaland movement (Rai, 2005). Thus from 1986 to 1988 Darjeeling saw an agitation wherein 1200 Gorkhas were left dead. This Gorkha Movement was termed as antinational by the then CPIM government. The official 1987 report of the state government claims that the basis of separation from Bengal by the hill people did not have any strong ground.

Subash Ghising had written a letter to the king of Nepal and UN regarding the situation of the Gorkhas in India wherein they were subjected to the discrimination and eviction within their own country. He had written to the benign majesty stating the suffering of the Gorkhas who had been the victims of the movement of border of their own land. This act of Subash Ghising was taken to be ‘anti national’ and ‘secessionist’ (WB Govt official document 1987).

The state government vehemently opposed the silence of the central government on this matter. But the Gorkhas had already gained momentum in their movement, they had an armed Gorkhaland Volunteer Cell to counter the state sponsored arms against them, together with the atrocities of the central reserve police force. The state government claims that GNLF had intimidated the common people and were imposing their diktats, nowhere in the official document the government mentions about the atrocities imposed by them on the Gorkhas.

It is a fact that there was a division in the hills for the demand of Gorkhaland. The CPIM in the hills were against it and hence they had the support of the state government even in terms of illicit arms. But the state claims that a majority of people were anti-Gorkhaland and thus GNLF was not a mass movement of the natives. Contrary to this, it is a known fact that in Darjeeling GNLF was the single largest party enjoying the support of all the classes of Gorkhas.

The state even goes against the fact that Darjeeling was a part of Nepal and hence does not validate the Treaty of Sugauli which happens to be the integral part of the history of Darjeeling. The state of Bengal terms the very word Gorkha misused by the natives of Darjeeling. But the scholars of Darjeeling state that Gorkha is an umbrella term unifying the communities living in the Darjeeling area under one roof.

The natives/ aboriginals of Darjeeling include Lepcahs, Limbus, Rai, Dukpas and the Mangars. Following the subsequent wars prior to the British taking over Darjeeling region the Gurungs, Thapas, Chettris, Newars, Sunwars, Brahmins, Kamis, Damais, Bhutia, Thami, and Tamangs came to the region. But the state considers only Lepchas to be the natives. The state government refutes the argument of the Gorkhas that the Indo- Nepal treaty 1950 which facilitates the free movement of citizens between the two countries has endangered their national identity. The state government claims that Darjeeling stands fourth in the per-capita income and the literacy rate is also high as compared to other districts of Bengal (Official document, 1987). Thus, they claim that the hills is neglected in terms of education, economic development is considered baseless.

The then Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi, and Home Minister P. Chidambaram did recognize the agitation as a national problem but did not agree with the state government for terming the GNLF movement as anti-national. The state clarifies itself by saying that the GNLF movement was anti national but not the Gorkhas which in itself reflects the paradoxical argument. The bloodshed, the continuous strike for 42 days had crippled the life of the Gorkhas in the Hill. Their unsolicited faith in the leadership for bringing a separate state was crushed when Subash Ghising signed for the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) on 22nd august 1988 in a tripartite meeting comprising of the state, central and the GNLF.

DGHC failed to bring regional autonomy to the Gorkhas. It was designed to be financially crippled. Nevertheless, Subash Ghising run his writ and consolidated his position firmly. The politics in the hills took a turning point in 2007 when Gorkha lad Prashant Tamang made it to the finals of the popular talent show Indian Idol (Rai, 2005). Gorkhas were adamant to make him the winner in the show which would be a projection of their identity as well. This resulted in the formation of fan clubs for the voting process. Subash Ghising might not have thought about the gravity of the situation when he failed to render any support to the aspiration of the denizens. He got alienated from the masses and this resulted in the birth of Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJMM) in the latter half of 2007 under the leadership of Bimal Gurung, a former confidant of Shri Ghising.

Within a year GJMM took upon its shoulder the onus to raise the demand for Gorkhaland once again which would be the 26th demand for a separate state. GJMM emerged as the strongest political party in the hills with no opposition of its stature. It put forth the demand for a separate state on the basis of some strong arguments that were analyzed and studied thoroughly by its intellectual wing. The identity crisis was projected as “strive to gain a space not only in the political arena but also in the social cultural set up.”

The apathy towards the Gorkha people can be seen in any of the fields. The absence of a university and technical or vocational institutes, specialty hospital, the slag in the tourism industry, the tea industry where the tea workers are equivalent to bonded laborers, the railway where the locals have no stake, the forests which are subjected to heavy deforestation, no proper disaster management strategies or trained personnel and simply the exclusion of the locals in the administration (GJMM, 2008). The Bengal administration has been no less than the colonizers to the Gorkha community wherein they were and still are absorbing the rich and natural wealth of the Darjeeling and transferring it to the other parts of Bengal.

The GJMM claims that the revenue generated from the hills are invested only in the plain areas. The west Bengal government formed Siliguri Jalpaiguri Development Authority to which it provides with a hefty grant despite the fact that Siliguri is actually a subdivision of the Darjeeling district (GJMM, 2008). The GJMM questions this treatment of the state towards the Gorkhas in every sector. The Gorkhas are marginalized and oppressed, every time their demand has been crushed using different strategies by the state and the centre.

The Bengal government has violated the constitution of India in its governance policy in the hills. Since 1989 there has been no election for three-tier panchayat, therein violating article 243E of the constitution. There has been no election to the Gram Panchayats since 2004. Siliguri Mahukuma Parishad an intermediate tier of the panchayat was elevated to the Zilla Parishad against article 243B. The party also alleges the Government sponsored infiltration of the Bangladeshis for the vote bank politics which is considered to be a sensitive issue as the Siliguri corridor is considered to be the ‘chicken neck’ which connects the north east region to the rest of India.

Bimal Gurung states that only through the formation of Gorkhaland these issues would be addressed and countered. The patriotism of the brave Gorkha soldiers are questioned by some public figures in the country. The GJMM counters the critics by putting forth the contribution of the Gorkha soldiers against the colonizers for the freedom struggle, the participation of the Gorkhas braves in the Chinese aggression 1962, Indo- Pakistan war 1971, and the Kargil aggression. The Gorkha are termed to be the only ones who are not even scared of dying.

Time and again why do the Gorkhas have to prove their patriotism towards the country for which they continue to shed their blood? The Gorkhas are demanding for a separate state within the Indian nation which is very much their constitutional right as Article 3 implies that the boundaries of the state are not immutable. The aspirations of the Gorkhas are compromised by their very leaders who fall into the meticulous trap of the centre and the state. GJMM after spearheading a strong movement has followed in the footsteps of its predecessor by trampling the aspirations of the Gorkhas by signing the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration on 18 July 2011.

GTA is an autonomous body with financial, executive and administrative powers but devoid of legislative powers (Bagchi, 2012). This argument was well crafted by the Trinamool Congress government headed by the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. It was an outcome of the tripartite dialogue among the state, GJMM and the center. GJMM had helped the TMC to overthrow the CPIM regime little realizing the fact that it would not but them the assurance for the separate state of Gorkhaland. Mamata Banerjee has been boastful about the fact that she has brought about normalcy in the hills within months of her taking power in the office. She might have projected to have a soft corner for the demand of the Gorkhas but ultimately she has like any other political figure from West Bengal shown possessiveness for the Queen of the Hills. She would definitely not support the separate state for the Gorkhas at any given cost.

The statehood demand of the Gorkhas is 109 years old now. They are till date subjected to the beatings of the migration theory that the rest of the country believes to be the truth. Little knowing the fact that the Nepali speaking Gorkhas who are Indian citizens are not migrated individuals but are the son and daughters of the soil that became a part of the Indian nation. The quest for the identity is not just confined to the Gorkhas of the Darjeeling hills but also encompasses the Gorkhas living in the other parts of the country where they are treated as the second class citizens. They also aspire for the fulfillment of Gorkhaland because then they too would have an identity in the political, cultural and social space of the Indian nation.

The struggle has now been running into more than a century but the Gorkhas should not let their faith in the aspiration of separate state of Gorkhaland waver at any circumstance because-
“What we call beginning is often the end
And to make an end is to make a beginning
The end is where we start from” – T.S. Eliot

REFERENCES:
• Rai.R. (2005). From the Mountain to the Ocean. Chap 8 & 9.
• Bagchi.R (2012). Gorkhaland Crisis for Statehood. Part 2 & 4. Sage publications
• Pradhan.U.M. Gorkhaland- Facts versus Myths. Darjeeling times. http://darjeelingtimes.com/…/6283-gorkhaland--facts-vs-myth… 
• Wangyal.S.B. The never ending wait for Gorkhaland
• http://www.darjeelingtimes.com/…/The-Never-Ending-wait-for-… 
• Gorkha Janamukti Morcha. (2008). Why Gorkhaland?
• Datta.P.(2014). Gorkha Ethnicity: Cultural Revolution and the Issue of Gorkhaland. International Journal of Humanities & Social Science Studies
• Golay.B. (2006). Rethinking Gorkha Identity outside the Imperialism of Discourse, Hegemony and History. Peace and Democracy in South Asia
• Gorkhaland Agitation Facts and Issues (1987). Information Document Government of West Bengal
• Kansakar.V.B.S. (1984). Indo Nepal Migration Problems and Prospects. Tribhuvan University.
• Shrestha.B.N.(2005) What is Sugauli Treaty ? AIMSA Collection for Study
• Sharma. D. What Gorkhaland means to a non Darjeelingey Gorkha http://www.gyasa.org/…/dinesh-sharma-what-gorkhaland-means-… 
• Special Thanks to Mr. Dinesh Sharma of Gorkha Youth and Students' Association of India - GYASA
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*Ms. Abriti Moktan is from Darjeeling and is currently pursuing her MA Degree in Environment and Development from Ambedkar University.

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