Bimal Gurung faction meets Rajnath, seeks panel on Gorkhaland

11:02 AM

•

Gorkhaland movement

KOLKATA: A six-member delegation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (Bimal Gurung faction) led by Darjeeling's BJP MP SS Ahluwalia met Home Minister Rajnath Singh in New Delhi on Tuesday and sought formation of a Central Government committee to look into the Gorkhaland statehood demand.

"GJM has been an alliance partner of BJP in NDA. In its manifesto for the last two general elections of 2009 and 2014, the BJP had stated that it will 'sympathetically examine and appropriately consider the long pending demand of Gorkhas and Adivasis'. We would therefore now appeal to you to take this assurance of the BJP forward through the Government by instituting an official committee to examine and appropriately consider the demand (of Gorkhaland)," read the letter by the GJM delegation to Singh.

"You are aware that you had been kind enough to issue a statement in September, 2017 assuring that talks would be held with GJM led by Bimal Gurung. Now that normalcy has been restored in Darjeeling, we are hoping that you would direct the Union Home Ministry to convene the talks at the earliest," the letter added.

In a press communique, Ahluwalia said Singh assured that a meeting will be convened soon.

The GJM delegation also met Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram and submitted a memorandum demanding that 11 Gorkha communities - Bhujel, Gurung, Mangar, Newar, Jogi, Khas, Rai, Sunwar, Thami, Yakhha (Dewan) and Dhimal - be included in the Central Scheduled Tribes list.

Express News Service

READ MORE

Whom Shall We Remember Today?

3:01 PM

•

Opinion

Writes - Jyoti Thapa Mani

“A nation’s culture resides in the heart and soul of its people” -Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi 1869-1948

For the last two years, I have been penning Independence Day articles for TheDC, hailing heroes and heroines from the Indian Gorkha community who fought for India’s freedom.  This year I feel a vacuum. Because I feel we are still struggling more than ever before.

Recently, I attended a panel discussion on ‘In today’s globalised world, what role does nationalism play in India’s context?’ A mouthful of words, but essentially I think, it was about how nationalistic we are in this global age. One panellist said that nationalism is about the national bird, animal, dress, anthem and khichri. Another said it was about remembering our freedom struggle against the ‘other’, meaning the British rule. And what a costly affair it was, as freedom came with a big rider—the division of India and Pakistan based on religion.  A criterion, which after seventy-two years, appears as so very wrong. Millions were rendered homeless as they staggered across the borders by foot, on bullock carts, in trains and buses under the onslaught of massive violence and suffering. Lives, families and belongings were lost in the mayhem to reach a new homeland as per their religious identity. The governments in their hurry failed at maintaining a peaceful exchange.

After the British ‘other’, new ‘others’ took its place. Many Indians are still struggling for their identity. Some inside before 1947 are still crying for recognition. On the other hand, millions of refugees continue to pour into India. Some intellectuals say India is a huge tent where everyone can be accommodated. Others say sorry there is no more space in the tent.  Some expostulate that India stands for compassion. Clearly, idealism and reality knock heads in many ways and no one sees the middle path. Power and money appear to be the new nationalism. Nobody talks about the need to strengthen nationalism in terms of the Indian citizens feeling at home.

Millions of Indians born and raised in India go abroad and take oaths such as “I hereby declare, on oath, that I absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, of whom or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen; that I will support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States of America”. Where does the Indian nationalism go then?

Either, there are those living in the world of ‘global opportunity-nationalism’ or clinging to archaic forms of racial insularity by dominating the minority. Dirty words like fascism are still surviving under new names. Leaders try hard to convince that we are a multinational and multicultural state because it sounds so good and upwardly mobile.  But murky waters lie deep beneath. Nationalism has different connotations for everyone and ironically the government has to force Indians to stand for the anthem in movie halls. Terms like the nation, nation-state, state, global citizen are weighing down or buoying up mindsets.

How nationalistic do we Indian Gorkhas feel? We are the country’s sterling defence force, but socially we are still perceived as immigrants from Nepal, foreigners on Indian soil. Despite the fact, that we have been citizens of this land for more than two hundred years. Our Indian identity on the face of it is as vague as a peel-off beauty mask. Funny thing is that while millions of Indians are migrating to the west, we are still here struggling to be accepted as Indians.  Its been a year now since the last agitation for Gorkhaland in the Darjeeling Hills witnessed yet another saga of dead bodies, persecution, humiliation and forceful crackdown. The Gorkhas of Darjeeling Hills are still fighting for independence from the ‘other’ being West Bengal government. Ironical, because the same government allows foreign nationals from Bangladesh to pour in millions and work without even a work permit. Bangladesh and India have no such treaty facilitating this.

So whom shall we remember today?

Shall we remember the 1947 era Gorkha freedom fighters for India’s Independence? They include patriots such as Amar Singh Thapa, Agam Singh Giri, Bhagat Bir Lama, Bhim Singh Rana, Balbhadra Chhetri, Bairagi Baba, Bhairav Singh Lama, Buddhiman, Bir Bahadur Gurung, Bishan Singh Khatri, Bishan Singh Rana, Bishnu Lal Upadhayay, Bhakta Bahadur Pradhan, Bhagwan Singh Thapa, Bhim Bahadur Khadka, Bhim Lal Sharma, Chandra Kumar Sharma, Chabilal Upadhyay, Dal Bahadur Giri, Dig Bir Singh Ramudamu, Dalbir Singh Lohar, Dhruba Singh Thapa, Devi Prasad Sharma, Dharmananda Upadhyay Mishra, Damber Singh Hingman, Gorey Khan, Gaga Tshering Dukpa, Gopal Singh Rana, Gopal Singh Shahi, Hari Prashad Upadhayay, Harish Chhetri, Hoshiyar Singh Karki, Hari Prashad, Hira Singh Khatri, Ishwarananda Gorkha, Indrani Thapa, Jung Bir Sapkota, Jai Narayan Upadhayay, Kumud Chandra Gorkha, Krishna Bahadur Sunwar, Khadga Bahadur Singh Bista, Laxman Limbu, Lal Bahadur Basnet, Man Bahadur Thapa , Mohan Singh Thapa , Mahabir Giri, Man Bahadur Rai, Maya Devi Chhetri, Niranjan Singh Chettri, Norbu Lama, Neetanand Tim Sinha, Pratiman Singh Lama, Parash Ram Thapa, Putlimaya Devi, Pushpa Kumar Ghisingh, Punna Singh Thakur, Padam Prasad Dhungel, Prem Singh Bista, Ratan Singh Lama, Ram Lal Upadhyay, Ram Singh Gurung, Shyam Bahadur Thapa, Samsher Singh Bhandari, Shyam Singh Shahi, Shiv Singh Thapa, Sher Bahadur Thapa, Sher Bahadur Allay, Shanker Dev Sharma, Savitri Devi, Thakur Prasad Kumai, Tej Bahadur Thapa (1), Tej Bahadur Thapa (2) and Tej Bahadur Subba.

Or shall we remember the INA freedom fighters from the 2/1 Gorkha Rifles? Including, the zealous INA Major Durga Malla, INA Captain Dal Bahadur Thapa, INA Captain Ram Singh Thakur, Bhim Singh Rana, Man Bahadur Thapa, Mohan Singh Thapa, Gopal Singh Shahi, Shaheed Shiam Bahadur Thapa and about forty-six more names.

Post 1947, do we remember the one thousand two hundred and one (1201) martyrs of the Gorkhaland agitation?  They include the thirteen unfortunate people killed by police firing in 1986 in Kalimpong and so many more with bullets shot straight to the head by WB police forces.

Or do we remember in recent times those killed in the 2017 Strike for Gorkhaland?  They include amongst many, the names of Bimal Sashankar of Goke, Mahesh Gurung of Relling, Sunil Rai of Kaijaley, Tashi Bhutia of Sonada, Suraj Bhushal of Tung Sung, Samir Gurung of Singamari, Ashok Tamang of Lewis Jubilee, Asish Tamang of Sukhiapokhri and Dawa Tshering Bhutia of Pedong.

Via TheDC

READ MORE

6th August a day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017

8:11 PM

•

Press Release

Press Release

We fought a leaderless battle. 6th August is day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017.

This exact day, the aspiration of thousands washed off, when the so called brave leader of Gorkhas, Bimal Gurung ran for his life making mockery out of the sacrifices given by the martyrs. He chose his personal wellbeing over the cause of gorkhas and absconded when Darjeeling Police raided Gurung’s strong hold in the midst of the agitation last year.

Bimal Gurung 

It’s to be noted that, last year, during the end of July, that there were more number of people on the streets than police in the hills. The police was on the back foot as they didn’t want to aggravate the boiling situation after the death of nearly 12 people then. The police was seen locked in their confined areas as there were massive protests rallies and an ongoing indefinite hunger strike in the hills.

That was the time when Bimal Gurung should have come out in the public and showed his appearance as the agitation was seen to be going nowhere and the fact of ‘no leader on the ground’ too could not be ignored.

The speeches in the Bazar were given by GJM local town leaders along with some CPRM and GNLF leaders. In this given situation, the role of Binoy Tamang has to be appreciated. Even Maan Ghisingh was seen leading GNLF rallies and Binoy Tamang made an attempt to meet the sitting in for a hunger strike in chowrasta. There was a desperate attempt by GJM leadership begging Bimal Gurung to come to out and address the public but all went for vain as Bimal Gurung was reluctant to come out and he claimed to say that there would ‘be law and order’ situation.

Bimal Gurung, right from the start failed to come out. The Darjeeling police had even given him a chance to attend the 13th June, all party meeting in Gymkhana which he denied saying the police could not be trusted.

However, it was like any other typical monsoon day on 6th August, last year, the town was foggy and gloomy, while the ongoing strike had entered its 53rd day. And just after the everyday rally, the people were returning home, there was sudden buzz about how police were gathered to go down to Patlebas for a raid.

This was the first raid in Patlebas after June.

I would like to describe here about the situation in Patlebas, in July.
It was guarded by more than 1000 boys with patang (long sharp weapon) in military uniform with black masks. These boys were seen checking cars of the visitors who had come to visit Bimal Gurung. The people who visited Gurung then were being frisked at every 1 KM starting from St Micheal’s School. There were numerous camps of such masked people from Singmari to Patlebas.

The town was tensed as the police slowly approached Singmari. The people feared that these armed masked men would attack the police and the situation in the hills would deteriorate once again, but on contrary, these masked men were seeing fleeing for their lives while the police slowly approached down. Many of them fractured their hands and legs while jumping from tea gardens as Darjeeling Police marched down.

The so called “Gorkhaland ko Lagi Pran Dinchu” boys ran for their lives leaving their camps.

The news of the police raid quickly reached Bimal Gurung who had his camp in Singla. Instead of tackling with the police and facing them, Gurung crossed the border and entered Sikkim for his safety. Once Bimal Gurung was on the run, there was no leadership in the hills where Binoy and Anit were forced to take the leadership in their hands.

This was day when Police got the pulse of the coward leader and from that day the police never took a ‘U’ turn on him.


But, the million dollar questions which arise here is,

‘Is Bimal Gurung the real leader of billion Gorkhas? If you still nod your heads in agreement, then why would such leader leave the agitation directionless and abscond? Should we consider the fugitive one, our leader?

Satish Pokhrel
Vice President
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha
Central Committee

प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

हामीले नेतृत्वविहीन युद्ध लड़्यौ। 6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्ड हारेको एउटा दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन।

6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दाको हार भएको दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन हो किनभने 2017 मा ठीक यही दिन गोर्खाहरूको आँटी अनि इमान्दार मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङले पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई समेत अधकल्चोमा छोड़ेर सुइँकुच्चा ठोकी भागेका थिए।

सबैलाई अवगत भएकै कुरा हो, गतवर्ष जुलाईको अन्तमा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता हजारौं संख्यामा आफ्नो ज्यानको पर्वाह नगरी सड़कमा निस्किएका थिए। पुलिसबलभन्दा धेर संख्यामा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता गोर्खाल्याण्डको माग गर्दै सड़कमा उत्रिएको थियो। फलस्वरूप दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा कुनै प्रकारको हिँसा नहोस् भनेर पुलिस बलसमेत ब्याकफुटमा जानु परेको थियो। किनभने योभन्दा अघि नै हिँसा भएको कारणले गर्दा 12 जना गोर्खाहरू शहीद बनिसकेको थियो। पुलिसहरू आ-आफ्नो इलाकामा नै तैनाथ रहनु परेको थियो भने दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा हजारौंको संख्यामा मानिसहरू सड़कमा उर्लेर विरोध रयाली, जुलुस गरिरहेको थियो भने आमरन अनशनसमेत चलिरहेको थियो।

यस्तो स्थितिमा विमल गुरूङ एक आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेता भएको भए आफ्नो समर्थक आन्दोलनकारीहरूको बीचमा आएर आन्दोलनकारीहरूलाई मनोबल प्रदान गर्नुपर्ने थियो अनि आन्दोलनलाई अझ प्रभावशाली बनाएर अघि लानुपर्नेथियो। तर हजारौं समर्थकहरूको घेराबन्दी रहँदा-रहँदै पनि विमल गुरूङ कहिल्यै आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन मैदानमा आएनन्। आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन बजारका क्षेत्रीय नेता अनि क्रामाकपाका केही नेताहरूमात्रै भाषणहरू दिने गरेतापनि आन्दोलनको 105 दिन नै विमल गुरूङ आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन लुकेर बसे। शहीदलाई श्रद्धाञ्जलि चड़ाउनसमेत उनलाई मैदानमा आउने आँट भएन। इमान्दार अनि आँटी मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड अनि शहीदको वलिदानको भन्दा धेर मूल्य आफ्नो प्राणको रहयो।

यस्तो विकट स्थितिमा पनि भाषण दिने बजारका ती क्षेत्रीय नेतृत्त्व अनि क्रामाकपाका नेतृत्त्वहरू बरू विमल गुरूङभन्दा इमान्दार अनि साहसी देखियो। यसबाहेक अति सम्वेदनशील स्थितिमा पनि आफ्ना समर्थकहरूसित रयालीमा आउने गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष अनि आफू पक्रा पर्ने तथा ज्यान जाने डरलाई समेत पन्साएर चौरास्तामा अनशनकारीहरूसित भेट्न पुग्ने अनि दार्जीलिङ शहरका कतिपय विरोधमूलक कार्यक्रमहरूमा जनताबीच पुगेर मनोबल पड़ाउने विनय तामाङ विमल गुरूङभन्दा कैयौं गुणा साहसी अनि इमान्दार रहेको बुझियो। कानून व्यवस्था ठीक नभएको तथा आफ्नो ज्यानको खतरा रहेको कायरपूर्ण बयान दिँदै विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनकालभरि केही भागिरहे। आन्दोलनको शुरूआतदेखि नै विमल गुरूङ भागिरहे यहाँसम्म कि 13 जूनमा जीमखानामा आयोजित अल पार्टी मीटिङमा सहभागी बन्न पुलिसले अनुमति दिँदा पनि पुलिस प्रशासनको विश्वास नरहेको उल्लेख गर्दै पक्रा पर्ने डरले उनी उक्त मीटिङमा पनि सामेल भएनन्।

गतवर्ष 6 अगस्तको दिन गोर्खल्याण्ड आन्दोलन सल्केको 53 दिन भएको थियो। सोहीमा  दिन पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी अभियान चलाएको थियो। जून महीनापछि पातलेबासमा गरिएको यो पहिलो छापामारी थियो। जुलाई महीनासम्म पातलेबाँसमा फौजी पोशाक लगाएर  मुखमा कालो पट्टी बाँधेका लगभग 1000 केटाहरू पाताङ (धारिलो हतियार) लिएर विमल गुरूङको निगरानीमा बस्दथ्यो। ती युवाहरूले विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न आउने सबैको गाड़ी अनि शरीर निरीक्षण गर्थे। विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न जानेहरूलाई पातलेबासदेखि लगभग एक किमी माथि स्थित सेन्ट माइकल स्कूलदेखि नै निरीक्षण अनि निगरानी गर्थे। सिङमारीदेखि पातलेबाससम्म यस्तै मास्क लगाउने केटाहरूको धेरै ठाउँमा  बस्ने गर्थे। 

पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा ती केटाहरू अनि पुलिसमाझ हिस्रक भिड़न्त हुनसक्ने तथा दार्जीलिङ पहाड़को स्थिति भयावह भएर जाने मानिसहरूले चिन्ता व्यक्त गरिरहेका थिए। तर जब पुलिसले पातलेबासमा छापामारी गरियो गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति प्राण दिन्छु भन्ने ती युवकहरू पनि आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन चम्पट कसे। यतिमात्र होइन जब पुलिस छापामारीको खबर सिङ्लामा क्याम्प लगाएर बसेको विमल गुरूङले सुने उनी अडिग भएर बस्नुको साटो आफ्नो सुरक्षाको निम्ति तत्कालै सिक्किम सीमा नाघेर चम्पट कसे। एकातिर गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति ज्यान समेत दिएर जनताले उनलाई सहयोग गरिरहेका थिए भने विमल गुरूङ पक्रा पर्ने डरले सिक्किमतिर भागेका थिए। विमल गुरूङ भागेपछि गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन दिशाहीन बन्ने अवस्थामा बाध्यतावश विनय तामाङ अनि अनित थापाले आन्दोलनको नेतृत्त्व सम्हालेका थिए। उनीहरूमाथि पनि विमल गुरूङजत्तिकै खतरा भएतापनि उनीहरूले दार्जीलिङ पहाड़ छोड़ेनन् आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर भागेनन्। परिस्थितिलाई डटेर सामना गरे। आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेतृत्त्व विमल गुरूङ हुन् कि विनय तामाङ र अनित थापा हुन् भन्ने यसैले पनि स्पष्ट पार्छ।
6 अगस्त अर्थात् आजको दिन विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर सिक्किम भागेपछि नै आन्दोलनमा पुलिस प्रशासनको दबाउ बड़्दै गएको हो। किनभने जनताले आँटी र इमान्दार भनेर विश्वास गरेको नेता विमल गुरूङ नै डरछेरूवा भएर भागेपछि पुलिसले विमल गुरूङको नाड़ी छामे।
सबैभन्दा ठूलो अनि महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न के रहेको छ भने विमल गुरूङले शहीदहरूको वलिदान अनि जनताको भावनालाई कदर गर्दै नभागी डटेर परिस्थितिको सामना गरेको भए के उनको सुरक्षा आन्दोलनमा खटिएका हजारौं गोर्खाहरूले गर्ने थिएन?  अथवा गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति उनी पक्रा नै परेको भएतापनि जनताको मन- मस्तिष्कमा उनको प्रभाव अझ बड़ेर उनी क्रान्तिकारी कहलाइने थियो र गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता अझ समर्पित भएर आन्दोलनमा उत्रिने थिए र सम्भवतः गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन निरन्तर रहिरहने थियो।
तर मुखलेमात्रै बाघ हुँ भन्ने विमल गुरूङ आफैले डरछेरूवा मानसिकता देखाएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन भताभुङ्ग बनाए भने सरकारलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन दबाउने प्रशस्त मार्गहरू पनि बनाइदिए। डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको प्रतिनिधिले पक्रा पर्ने डरले डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको सपना अनि बलिदानलाई लत्याएर भागेको आजको दिन गोर्खाहरूको भाग्यमा ग्रहण लागेको दिन हो। वीर गोर्खाहरूको इतिहाँसमा आजको दिन विमल गुरूङको कायरपनाको बदनाम इतिहाँस कोरिएको छ।

सतीश पोखरेल
उपाध्यक्ष
गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा,केन्द्रिय समिति|

READ MORE

From Gorkhaland to GTA and then to Greenfield: A Road to Serfdom

6:34 PM

•

Politics

Writes Pratik Rumba for YKA

“For a colonized people the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity.” – Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.

Activists of Gorkhaland Sanyukta Sangharsh Samiti shouting slogans during their demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi | PTI

The state of ‘Bangla’ has finally fulfilled, as the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) chairman says, the dream of ‘People of Darjeeling’ by granting a university in state assembly. The leader of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJM- B) left no space and time to express his gratitude towards the Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee for showing her ‘benevolent’ attitude towards the ‘non-tax payer’ of Darjeeling region. Now even the sons and daughters of ‘illiterate’ and ‘un-productive’ tea garden workers, who generate huge revenue to the owner and state government, can fulfil their dreams,  in the ‘Indian labour market’ that has been eagerly waiting for them from centuries. The people who are ought to be displaced for the new railway project may probably find a job as a construction worker in the upcoming university.

The forte of happiness was so much so that a central committee member, who was formerly a student leader, equated the decision of state university to ‘Gorkhaland in the field of education’. What could possibly have happened had the central university bill been passed in the parliament? Yes! Then according to his argument it seems there would have been a Separate country in the field of education. This sudden mania of the GJM leaders and its cadres is astonishingly stupid as ‘Annexure B2’ of the memorandum of agreement for GTA, signed in 2011, had already listed various institutes (such as Central institute of technology, NIT including IT and Bio-Technology, Fashion Technology institute, medical and nursing colleges and Central university) to be established as grand ‘developmental projects’ under GTA with an aid from both central and state government.

—Manias—

The manias of GJM-B only manifest their incapacitated ruling of the GTA-2 since they took charge of Lalkothi last year. This (manias) could very well be the reflection of the limited time GJM-B has onwards to Lokhsabha election. From its inception in 2011, GTA hardly made any difference in the lives of people apart from repairs of roads and timely ‘statehood’ threat from the then GJM supremo to state and central government. The helplessness of the situation only aggravated the crisis further leading up to another uprising for statehood in 2016.The GTA gambling card that was placed on the table at Pintail village by both state and centre was supposed to achieve ‘all round development of the people of region’ in terms of socio-economic, infrastructural, educational, cultural, and linguistic developments. Now, the seven years down the line the GTA card turned out to be the lowest of all the poker hands and has nothing to show in concrete in the run up for Lokhsabha election campaign in 2019. In this context, the manias of the GJM-B is lucidly justifiable.

—What’s in a name? —

What was fishy (daal me kala) about the bill was the name of the University. They (the state) named the upcoming university in the region as ‘Greenfield’ university. All the universities established in the state of West Bengal has been named either after the name of the region (Bankura, Bardaman, Raiganj etc.) or after some historical figures (Rabindra Bharati, Sido Kanuhu Murmu, Kazi Nazrul etc.). The government that has been constituting “n” number of ethnic boards supposedly for promoting local culture and dialects could not manage to find even a single word that could well describe/ define the historical specificity of the region. Such move of naming the university bereft of any local/regional specificity is to make people of the region cognizant of the fact that they have no historical figures, whom they can look up to.

As a crutch to the state government, some cadres of the GJM through various social media platform started a campaign ‘What’s in a Name’. The name is not as simple to be relegated to just a word but it also carries with it the objective reality. However, the political manoeuvring of words is not new in Darjeeling politics. The power and solemnity of a word is to be learnt from late Subash Ghishing. After a compromise of Gorkhaland movement in 1986, the then chairman of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) went to claim that Identity problem of the Gorkhas has been resolved as the state and central government has agreed to add ‘Gorkha’ in Darjeeling Hill Council. We now know for how long GNLF ruled the region under the shadow of the then Left front government by just adding a word Gorkha to the Hill Council. For that matter, even the united GJM (A+B) after their compromise in 2011 had openly taken credit and pride of having the word ‘Gorkhaland’ in the new territorial set up (GTA).

The GJM-B, particularly at this juncture, is well aware of the implication that a word can have for its ‘own’ survival and would rather prefer to leave no stone unturned. As expected, GJM MLA approached the monitoring team at Nabanna requesting a change in the name from ‘Greenfield’ to ‘Darjeeling University’. But it still raises few doubts. First, had they (anyone from the region) not been consulted beforehand while formulating the bill? Second, why has the state government preferred to use a ‘foreign’ name that has nothing to do with the people and their regional history? Third, is it an act of denial of people’s history in the region? The state government may rename the university from Greenfield to Darjeeling University, which of course is a politically neutral word that should not bother much, sooner or later but the whole political cinematography only reflected the high handedness of the state government over the region and the ‘puppetism’ of the local leaders.

—Gorkha National Question (s) and the Development—

At the pick phase of the last Gorkhaland movement, an old man from a tea garden was asked to define Gorkhaland in an interview by a local media. His answer was simple and succinct: For him Gorkhaland meant land (Gorkhaland Bhaneko Mato Ho!). How would have the leader of the Gorkhaland movement answered the very same question? Not surprisingly, the answer would have been the ‘lack of development’. Not only has the beguiled leader of the movement but even the honest Gorkha intellectuals and supporters confused the Gorkha national question (s) with the (one point) ‘undervelopment’ problem.
The argument of ‘underdevelopment’ has its origin in the left front rule in West Bengal. Whenever the demand for separate statehood intensified the ruling class and its intelligentsia always brought  ‘underdevelopment’ on the table for discussion thus diverting the core question of national political identity for Gorkhas to the general problem of underdevelopment faced by every people and regions in India. GJM leaflet (2009) at the very outset quite correctly identified the core problem of the Gorkhas that read ‘the demand for Gorkhaland is basically a question of the Gorkha Indian Political Identity…as the spectre of ‘alien-ness’, being called ‘foreigner’ and ‘eviction’ continues to hunt the Indian Gorkhas even today…”.  However, major part of the leaflet emphasised on the question of ‘economic deprivation’ and ‘discrimination’.

Economic backwardness may be one of the aspects of the crisis in the region but an information document (1986) of West Bengal itself suggests that the district, in terms of various economic indicators, stands out to be better than any other districts in north Bengal or any districts in western Bengal such as Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and Midnapur. If economic development is the panacea for century old unrest in the region then one would expect cropping up of such statehood demand in every regions of the state.

Now let us assume that the state/central government is going to fulfil all the major projects, listed in MoU of GTA, including the establishment of various institutes and central university in the region. Are these ‘mega’ projects going to resolve the national question (s) of the Gorkhas? For elucidation, the Chinese government has changed and transformed the face of Tibet better than any cities in India through its mega developmental projects. Has it also changed the aspiration of the people of Tibet? Since 2011, around 152 Tibetans have self-immolated for their national cause.

—Gorkhaland and the Land Question—

The major part of Darjeeling district is covered by forest and tea gardens. Almost 70 percent of the population lives in forest and tea gardens. Since the forest and tea gardens come under the jurisdiction of state government, none of the population staying in the forest and tea gardens has the ownership right over land. Even for small repairing work of the houses, one has to take permission beforehand from the management to whom the state government has given the land in lease for pittance. Not only the tea gardens and the forest, there are several villages near the towns (comes under municipality) that have no valid and legal documents to support their claim/ownership right over land. It is precisely due to this alienation of people from their own land, which time and again gets articulated in terms of strong posturing of land question in the movement for Gorkhaland.

A significant number of the tea gardens are in a state of lock down as workers demanded a hike in wage rate. Lockout has become a popular instrument of keeping the wages at the subsistence level in tea gardens. Even the plantation labour act 1951 that favours the owner and the management are being violated. Some of the tea gardens are locked down throughout the year except in the plucking and harvesting seasons. In doing so, the management is not liable to provide basic rights such as ration, medical facilities, bonus etc. There are also instances when the workers have requested the management to run the factory without even providing statutory rights to them. In some of the abandoned tea gardens, the workers by defying the state government formed a cooperative and started running the factory. However, the state government later leased out the same to private players. This is how generations after generations of the tea garden workers have been kept under starvation and poverty. This is also probably the reason that the people from tea gardens stand out quite vehemently at the forefront of every Gorkhaland agitation.

Moreover, the tea industry has not been doing quite well particularly in the neo-liberal phase of globalisation. The reason for this could be growing competition in the tea industry. Another reason for this dwindling situation of the tea industry is the reluctance of the management to reinvest back in the production site. This has resulted in the limited development of productive forces and has also constrained the increase in the productive capacity (employment opportunity) in the tea industry. Can the people of district go for other livelihood options (at least where the factories have been shut down for a long time) so that they can raise the standard of living and send their children to Greenfield University in the coming few years from now? The state of West Bengal is known for having more or less successful land reform, where the state confiscate the land from the land lord and distribute it to the bargardars (tenants), in the history of Indian land reform. One may be interested in knowing the proportion of land that was distributed to the people of Darjeeling during the much celebrated ‘operation Barga’ (1978-1985). Can the state government distribute abandoned tea estates to the erstwhile tea garden workers? The monitoring team at Nabanna would not be pleased to hear all that ‘crap’ as the Nabanna is also constantly monitored by domestic and foreign capital.

—The beginning—

The century old national question (s) of the Gorkhas in the district of Darjeeling cannot be resolved through extravagant use of money and power. The same old method of silencing the dissent voices has only postponed the crisis in the region as the frequency of the statehood demand has increased in recent years. Moreover, the state led financing of the anti-statehood squad (ethnic boards, GJM-B etc.) in the region is unsustainable in the long term as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) data noted that the West Bengal debt (second top borrower only after Maharashtra) burden has increased staggeringly in the last few years. It is more likely that the people of district is going to witness a change in the squad in coming years.

The state government has been acting like a ‘traditional landlord’, where it refuses the release the productive forces but collects handsome revenue by leasing out land to the tea owners. In the absence of enough employment opportunity there has been a temporary migration in big cities and many have piled up in the informal sector of the region. The outcome of national register of citizen (NRC) in Assam may likely to further aggravate the situation, in the region, as it did in the late 1980s when Bhutanese government enforced the citizenship act of 1958.
The territorial separation of oppressed, marginalized and discriminated region is a step ahead for the democratization of the oppressive and centralized social structure of India.  However, there is a need to enlarge the canvas of Gorkha national struggle vis-à-vis other struggles by oppressed nationalities, oppressed communities and religious minorities in Indian subcontinent today. However, the major concern of the Gorkhaland movement since from its inception has been liquidation of the movement from the rank of its own leaders.  The regular betrayal has led the movement to the road of serfdom at various points . Such betrayal is to be overcome through concerted spirit and uncompromising participation for the statehood and their own homeland which assign them the real political identity in Indian subcontinent.

READ MORE

Properties of fugitive Gorkha leaders Bimal Gurung, five others attached to cases

12:44 PM

•

gorkhaland

Properties of fugitive Gorkha leaders Bimal Gurung, five others attached to cases

Writes: Pramod Giri

Darjeeling district police and West Bengal’s Criminal Investigation Department have started attaching the properties of fugitive Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leaders, including Bimal Gurung, who led a failed movement aimed at securing a separate state of Gorkhaland.

A three-storeyed house at Patlaybas belonging to Gurung and his wife, Asha, were attached on Wednesday. They also seized some moveable property.

Bimal Gurung 

The two were among six people declared as proclaimed offenders by a Darjeeling court on March 29, four months after they failed to appear before it in November 2017. The court ordered the attachment of their properties the same day on a plea filed by the CID, which is investigating the June 2017 violence outside Darjeeling’s Bhanu Dhawan.

The six people – also comprising Roshan Giri, Prakash Gurung, Ashok Chettri and Amrit Yongen – have been charged under the anti-terror law.

On June 8 last year, GJM leaders had organised a demonstration to protest the state’s plan to make Bengali a compulsory subject in all schools. The rally turned violent, and GJM clashed with the police barely 200 metres from Raj Bhavan – where chief minister Mamata Banerjee was holding a cabinet meeting.

The CID took over the investigation on June 29, 2017, even as the Gorkhaland agitation claimed 13 lives and caused a complete shutdown of the hills for 104 days. Gurung and the others absconded after they were charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

“The chief judicial magistrate’s court directed GJM leaders to surrender before it by November 2017, but they did not turn up,” said Darjeeling assistant public prosecutor Pankaj Prasad.

When asked why the police have taken this long to attach Gurung’s property, Darjeeling inspector-in-charge Soumyajit Roy said: “We did it within the stipulated time. The properties of other absconding leaders will also be attached in phases.”

Neither Gurung nor any other GJM leader could be reached for comment. Attempts to identify a lawyer representing Gurung also went in vain. “As far as I know, no lawyer represents Bimal Gurung in the district court,” said Brivor Chettri, a local advocate.

Via: HT

READ MORE

गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन अनि दिल्ली घोषणा

5:56 PM

•

Politics

दिनांक 28 अनि 29 तारीख जुलाई 18 मा गोरखल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति को आह्वान  मा डाकिएको प्रस्तावित गोरखल्याण्ड क्षेत्र लगायत सम्पूर्ण भारतब्यापि राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधि हरु लाई लिएर गरिएको गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन सुचारू रूप मा सम्पन्न भयो। गोर्खाहरु को राष्ट्रिय चिनारी र राजनैतिक सुरक्षा को निम्ति गरिएको सिंगो मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड को निम्ती साथै पहाड़ मा बंगाल सरकार द्वारा गोर्खा हरु को अस्तित्व मास्न गोर्खाहरु माथि गरिरहेको बिभिन्न अन्याय र अत्याचार बिरुद्ध अनि देशब्यापी गोर्खा हरु ले बिभिन्न राज्य हरु तिर भोगीरहेको बिभिन्न समस्या हरु लाई लिएर गरिएको शिखर सम्मलेन मा पहाड़ का राजनैतिक पार्टी बाट गोर्खा राज्य निर्माण मोर्चा बाट अध्यक्ष  श्री दावा पाखरीन अनि टोली, गोर्खा जन मुक्ति मोर्चा (बिमल गुरुङ पन्थी) बाट डा० लोपसांग लामा, श्री रमेश आले, प्राध्यपक उर्मिला रुम्बा, अनिल लोप्चन अनि टोली, क्रमैले क्रन्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी पार्टी बाट अध्यक्ष श्री आर बी राई अनि टोली,  यु जी आर एफ बाट अध्यक्ष श्री अजय दहाल अनि टोली, एन जी सी बाट रिटायर्ड डी जी पी श्रीमान अनिल प्रधान, नवीन सुब्बा, आई डि आर एफ बाट श्रीमान केदार नाथ शर्मा, डोनाल्ड गहतराज अनि टोली, जी यु एल एफ बाट सचिव श्रीमती ऋषिका छेत्री, असम गोर्खा छात्र संघ बाट अध्यक्ष श्री प्रेम तमांग अनी टोली, श्री सुनिल छेत्री अनी टोली, भारतीय गोर्खा परिसंघ बाट श्री जोएल राई, जी डब्लू डब्लू ए एम् मेघालय बाट अद्यक्ष श्रीमती सरस्वती राई, जेस्मिन राइ अनि टोली, मणिपुर गोर्खा सुधारक संघ बाट सचिव श्री शिव बस्नेत, ए आई जी इ डब्लू ए देहरादून बाट महासचिव श्री ए के मुखिया, उत्तराखंड जी एस एस एस बाट श्री गजेन्द्र शाही, गोर्खा डेमोक्रेटिक फ्रन्ट बाट अध्यक्ष श्री सूर्य बिक्रम शाही,हेल्प क्रस बाट बिशाल थापा, उत्तराखण्ड सर्ब समाज महा संघ बाट सारीका प्रधान अनी टोली, गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय कांग्रेस बाट - अध्यक्ष श्री भरत दोङ, सुबोध पाख्रिन अनि टोली, जी एस एस एस दार्जीलिङ बाट आशिष छेत्री, जी एस एस एस कालेबुङबाट उमेश शर्मा, बीर गोर्खा कल्याण समिति बाट अध्यक्ष श्री श्रवण सिंह प्रधान, सिक्किम बाट अधिबक्ता सुश्री याङ्जी पिनाशा, डुवर्स गोजामुमो(बिमल गुरुङ गुट ) बाट श्री रोहित थापा आदि प्रमुख रूप ले उपस्थित थिए, जाप पार्टी बाट प्रतिनिधि को रूप मा सुप्रीम कोर्ट का अधिवक्ता श्री महेश सिंह जी उपस्थित थिए भने उनले जाप अध्यक्ष श्री हर्क बहादुर क्षेत्री आफ्नो पारिवारिक असुविधा ले उपस्थित हुन नसकेको तर उक्त सम्मेलन को निर्णय लाई समर्थन साथै सहयोग गर्ने अध्यक्ष को लिखित संदेश पढेर हाउस लाई सुनाए, यस लगायत सिक्किम टेवा मञ्च, एन सी सी जी मणिपुर, एन जी ए नागाल्याण्ड,शिलगडी बाट बि पि बजगाँई, कालेबुङबाट पिक्सा सुझाव एव लिखित सहमति प्राप्त भएको छ। २८ तारीख को दिन एम् पी क्लब नार्थ एभिन्यू दिल्ली मा अनि दोस्रो दिन करोल बाग मा सम्पन्न भएको उक्त सम्मलेन लाई रिटायर्ड आई पी एस श्री नर्बु छिरिंग ज्यु ले अद्यक्षता गरेका थिए। उक्त सम्मेलन मा स्वागत भाषण गोरखल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति का अद्यक्ष श्री किरण बी के ले राखेका थिए, कार्यक्रम मुख्य मोडेरेटर जिएसएसएस कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष सघन मोक्तान एंव जिएसएसएस का राष्ट्रिय प्रबक्ता श्रीमती अन्जनी शर्माले गरेका थिए ।  जसमा उनले सबै लाई स्वागत जनाउदै गोर्खा हरुका पहाड़ देखि लिएर देशब्यापी समस्या हरु लाई राखेका थिए भने यो सम्मलेन बाट यी सबै समस्या निराकरण को बाटो अनि गोर्खे अस्तित्व जगेरा को बलियो धरातल बनियोस् साथै जनता को आकांशा अनुरूप यसको निचोड़ निस्कियोस् भन्दै सुरुवात गरेका थिए।

सम्मलेन को पहिलो दिन को कार्यसूची अनुरूप गोरखल्याण्ड को बिगत आंदोलन हरु असफल भएको प्रमुख कारण हरु खुट्याउने काम भयो जसमा उपस्थित सबै प्रतिनिधि हरु ले बिभिन्न कारण हरु राखे साथै ति कारण हरु माथि चर्चा परिचर्चा गरियो। यसरी नै दोस्रो दिन ती समस्या हरु को समाधान बिषय लिएर बहस चल्यो, भने 2019 को रणनीति बारे पनि धेरै तर्क भयो साथै सबै ले बिचार साझा राखे । समाधान को क्रम मा सबै ले साझा पहल मा साझा रणनीति नै प्रमुख समाधान रहेको मन्तब्य पोखे भने सबै भन्दा पहिला साझा मंच मा आउन जरुरी रहेको सबै अग्रज हरु को भनाई थियो। जाती अस्तित्व को निम्ती यो समय धेरै खतरनाक रहेको र हामी सबै ले पहाड़ मा चलिरहेको बिभिन्न चल खेल र अत्याचार बिरुद्ध साथै मणिपुर को गोर्खा हरु ले भोगी रहेको आई एल पी को समस्या आसाम का गोर्खा हरु ले भोगी रहेको डी भोटर र एन आर सी को समस्या लगायत देश का बिभिन्न राज्य तिर बसोबास गर्ने गोर्खा हरु को निराकरण को निम्ती सबै ले एकमुष्ट भएर साझा रूप मा पहल गर्ने निधो गर्दै निम्न रेजुलेशन लाई सर्ब सम्मति ले पारित गरियो।
गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन ले पारित गरेका 7 बुँदे रेजुलेशन निम्न प्रकार ले छन।

1. गोर्खाल्याण्ड अभियान लाई अगाडि बढाउन सबै राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधि हरु लाई लिएर राष्ट्रिय स्तर को संयोजक समुह को निर्माण गरियो।

२. गत आन्दोलन को निहुँ मा प्रस्तावित गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्र मा बंगाल प्रशासन द्वारा चलाइएको दमन उत्पीडन र झुटा मामला हरु बन्द गरिनु पर्छ।

३. भारत को खाट्टी नागरिक माथि बंगाल सरकार जातिय उत्पीडन रोक्न केन्द्र सरकार ले तुरन्त हस्तक्षेप गर्नु पर्छ।

४. संवैधानिक अनि न्यायोचित मांग गरिरहेका श्री विमल गुरुङ लगायत अन्य नागरिकहरु लाई बंगाल प्रशासन ले गरिरहेको पानी खेदो तुरन्त बन्द हुनु पर्छ।

५. गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय शिखर सम्मेलन ले पारित गरेको रेजुलेशन को प्रति सम्पूर्ण राज्य का मुख्यमंत्री, राज्यपाल साथै संसद का विपक्ष का नेता हरुलाई उपलब्ध गराउनु पर्नेछ।

६. असम मा बसो बासो गर्ने गोर्खा समुदाय लाई डी भोटर र फरेन ट्रीब्युनल द्वारा षड्यन्त्र पूर्वक विदेशी तथा बंगलादेशी थप्पा लगाउने असमेली सरकार को कार्य माथि  केन्द्रिय सरकार ले हस्तक्षेप गर्नु पर्छ।

७. बर्षौ देखि पूर्वोत्तर को राज्य मणिपुर मा बसोबास गर्ने गोर्खा समुदाय लाई विदेशी घोषित गर्न १९५० लाई कट आफ यिएर रखी जारी गरिएको मणिपुर पिपल बिल २०१८  तुरन्त फिर्ता हुनु पर्छ।

अन्त मा यो पहल लाई साँचो रूप मा राष्ट्रियकरण गर्न साथै नवगठित राष्ट्रिय संयोजक समुह जो प्रत्येक राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी बाट दुई दुई जना लिएर बनिएको छ यसको संयोजक को रूप मा जी एस एस एस को प्रतिनिधि ले नै कार्य गर्ने निधो गरियो साथै उक्त समुह द्वारा बारम्बार बसेर गोर्खा हरु को सिंगो राष्ट्रिय चिनारी को मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड को निम्ति साथै गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्र लगायत विभिन्न राज्यहरू को समस्या हरु पनि बुझ्ने हेतु ले देश का विभिन्न राज्य मा शिखर सम्मेलन को फलोअप मीटिंग राख्ने निधो गरियो साथै अगला कार्यक्रम असम को गुवाहाटी मा सेप्टेम्बर महिना मा गर्ने सर्वसम्मति ले पारित गरियो।

किरण बी के
अध्यक्ष
सघन मोक्तान
कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष
केन्द्रिय समिति
गोर्खाल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति ( साझा मञ्च)

READ MORE

Gurung appealed pro-Gorkhaland parties to unite and speak with Centre for Gorkhaland

8:00 PM

•

Politics

KOLKATA: Gorkha Janmukti Morcha supremo Bimal Gurung appealed pro-Gorkhaland political parties in Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts of West Bengal to unify and speak with Centre for Gorkhaland or else 'scratch heads' while Bodoland will be formed next after Telangana.

Stating that the Centre met representatives of pro-Bodoland parties on Thursday while ignoring pro-Gorkhaland parties' repeated pleas for talks over the statehood movement, Bimal Gurung said: "I appeal to all the political parties CPRM (Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists) JAP (Jan Andolan Party), ABGL (Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League), GNLF (Gorkha National Liberation Front) and Congress to keep aside their personal differences and unite together for Gorkhaland.

I have no issues even if you 'minus' me but you all unite and please hold talks with the Centre." "While talks for Telangana state formation was doing the rounds in 2013, I resigned from my post (of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration Chief Executive Officer) to press for Gorkhaland statehood. While Telangana was formed, we were betrayed. Now, pro-Bodoland parties have been summoned but what are our leaders doing? Why are they not holding talks with the Centre? If you can't speak with Centre now, again a new state Bodoland will be formed and we will scratch our heads and say we have been betrayed again. It is not necessary that only Bimal Gurung has to speak with Delhi. There are so many experienced and capable leaders in all other parties. It's their time to speak with Delhi," he added.

Speaking about his absence from the hills, the GJM leader said that he is underground to save the cause of statehood. "I undertook a democratic movement in 2017 and Bengal administration is pressing false cases and killing my loyalists in false encounters. They are also planning to kill me in such a false encounter. I have to stay underground to keep the statehood cause alive. I am not scared and neither am I a coward but I have to remain underground to keep the movement alive," he added. The GJM leader also urged the hill residents to light a candle on July 27 for the 13 people killed during 105-day Gorkhaland agitation last year. 

READ MORE

Morcha to organise public meetings from July 8

7:53 PM

•

Mann Ghising

Darjeeling: The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha has lined up a series of public meetings in the hills from July 8, the decision coming in the wake of its arch rival GNLF discarding the state government-formed Hill Area Development Committee (HADC).

Mann Ghisingh, the president of the GNLF, had recently resigned from the post of the chairman of HADC and many had linked the move to an attempt by his party to reposition itself as a party working for the hill community.

Against this backdrop, the Morcha has announced a series of public meetings.

"We will hold a public meeting in Kurseong on July 8, followed by another meeting in Kalimpong the next day. A meeting will also be organised at Bijanbari (about 30km from Darjeeling) on July 11," said Suraj Sharma, the spokesman for the Morcha.

Asked about the reason to conduct the public meetings, Sharma said: "A political party has to organise public meetings and interact with the public. We want to tell the hill people about the development works the GTA has undertaken after we started administering the body," said Sharma.

Observers, however, believe that the Morcha has a two-fold strategy behind organising the public meeting. "Primarily, the Morcha wants to show that it is the largest political force in the hills and send a message that it definitely enjoys more support than the GNLF at the moment," said anobserver.

"At a secondary level, the party also wants to highlight the works that have been undertaken in the hills since taking control of the GTA in November last year," the observer added.

The Morcha meeting, which is being held after almost six months, is also a clear indication that it wants to leave no stone unturned to give any space to the GNLF.

Ghisingh's party has indicated that it plans to start afresh with the demand for Sixth Schedule and has also dissolved its central committee, branch committees of Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong, Mirik and all its frontal organisations, except those of the tea trade union and ex-serviceman association.

"The meeting is definitely to increase its activity and ensure that they do not give any space to the GNLF," added a hill resident.

The Telegraph

READ MORE