Bimal Gurung faction leader Suraj Subba arrested

8:49 PM

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Politics

Suraj Subba, the former general secretary of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha's trade union, was arrested on Monday in connection with the 2017 June 8 clash that triggered the last round of the statehood agitation in the hills.

He was the general secretary of the Terai Dooars Plantation Labour Union before Binay Tamang took charge of the Morcha.

"Subba was directly involved in the incident that occurred on June 8, 2017 and in mobilisation (of supporters) to commit crimes during the agitation. He was arrested on Monday," said a police officer.

Once Binay Tamang took charge of the Morcha in November last year, Subba was removed from the post. He had been the general secretary of the union since the Morcha was formed in 2007.

Assistant public prosecutor Pankaj Prasad said Subba had been remanded in judicial custody for 14 days.

[Via:TT]

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गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चा उपाध्यक्ष दिपेन माले बाट केही शब्द आलोक कान्त मणी थुलुंग लाई

3:24 PM

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Politics

"आलोक कान्त मणी थुलुंग, मेरो प्रेस रिलिजमाथि तिम्रो भिडियो बयान हेरें| समयले तिमीलाई फरेबी राजनीति निकै सिकाएछ| भिडियोमा तिम्रो गोर्खाल्याण्ड प्रेम पनि देखें| शहीदको रगत बेचेर किनेको निलो पारी भएको सेतो लुगाले छोपेको तिम्रो गोर्खाल्याण्ड तिमीलाई मुबारक छ |

तिमीले विकासको कुरा गरेछौ| राम्रो लाग्यो| छिमेकी राज्य सिक्किममा हाम्रोभन्दा आधा जनसंख्या भएको ठाउँमा यो वर्ष पारित बजेट ७०५१.०९ करोड़ हो अनि तिम्रो जोजोको कुर्सीले थाप्ने प्लान बजेट ३५६ करोड़ अनि नन-प्लान बजेट २९८.१० करोड़ हो| तिमी अझै कति दिन विकासको नाममा सुगा रटाई बोलिरहन्छौ आलोक? आफ्नै राज्य हुँदा विकास गर्नु तिमीलाई के ले रोक्छ? आफ्नै राज्यमा आउने बजेटले कति विकास गर्नु सकिन्छ भन्ने सोचेको छौ? हिसाब लगाएको छौ?

हाम्रो चियाबारीको श्रमिकलाई भएको ज्यालाको अन्याय तिम्रो विकासले पुरा गर्छ? आफ्नै राज्य हो भने उनीहरूको आँशु पुछ्न सकिन्छ कि सकिन्दैन भन्ने कुरा सोचेको छौ?

दार्जीलिंगको हिलोसरीको सडक त टाल्नु पुग्दैन कलकत्ते बजेटले तिमीलाई गाउँको बिकासको बजेटको कुरा गर्नु लाज लाग्दैन?

फेसबुकमा आन्दोलन हुँदैन भन्छौ अनि मेरो एउटा प्रेस विज्ञप्तिलाई १९ मिनट जवाब पनि दिन्छौ, आफै अझै कतिदिन जनता अघि जोकर हुने? मैले प्रेस विज्ञप्ति लेखेको होइन भनेछौ, यसलाई हिन्दीमा खिसियानी बिल्ली खम्बा नोचे भन्छ| मतलब विज्ञप्तिले तिमीहरूलाई हल्लाएछ| यो त हल्लिनुको शुरूवात हो| हामीले एक वर्ष चुपचाप बसेर हाम्रै कमि-कमजोरीहरू केलायौं, अध्ययन गर्यौं, पड़्यौं|  अहिले तिमीहरूलाई पड़्दैछौं| हामी जुन दिन आउँछौं, तिमीहरूले जनतालाई भ्रममा राखेर, आतंकित बनाएर गरेको जाति विरोधी क्रियाकलापको पाई-पाई हिसाब बोकेर आउनेछौं|

 झण्डाको कुरामा तिम्रो जवाबले तिमीलाई नै गिज्याउँदैछ| आग्सुबाट श्री रोशन गिरी, पुरण थामी, सुरज सुब्बाहरू पोस्ट होल्डर फाउन्डरहरू हुन्| झण्डा मेरो सोच हो भनेर मेरो विज्ञप्तिमा भनेको छुइन| हो म ७  अक्टोबर २००७ -को दिन पार्टी लन्च हुँदा पोख्रेबुंगको युवाहरूसँग आएर समर्थन जनाएको हो अनि मलाई अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङले झण्डा दिएको हो| म पछिबाट आएको हो, तर  इमान्दार भएर आएको हो| गद्दार बन्नुलाई त शुरूमा नै आएर पनि के भो र? यो झण्डा हाम्रो सोच होइन तर विमल गुरुङको भने अवश्य हो| तिमीले भने जस्तो त्यो समय विमल गुरुङलाई हजारौं जनताको समर्थन थियो| तर पार्टी र झण्डा बनाउने सोच र आँट केवल विमल गुरुङसँग थियो| के त्यही आँट र सोच जातिको हीतमा तिमीहरुसँग, विनय-अनितसँग छ? मेरो प्रश्न भनेको त्यति नै हो|

आज तिमीले बोल्दै गरेको भिडियो भविष्यमा तिम्रै नाति-पनातिले हेरेर घृणा नगरोस् भन्ने चाहन्छु|

तिम्रो भिडियो बयान हेर्दा भोलि एमपी चुनावमा तिमीहरूले पनि आफैले घाँटी रेटेर मरणासन्न बनाएको घाइते गोर्खाल्याण्डलाई देखाएर भोट माग्ने रहेछौ| गोर्खाल्याण्ड देखाएर राजनीति गर्नुछ भने पहिला त्यसको घाउको उपचार गर| गोर्खाल्याण्डको शत्रुसँग स्टेज र कुर्सी सेयर गर्नु छोडीदेउ| सत्ताको लालचलाई त्यागेर हामीसंग आयौ भने तिम्रो दश गल्ति माफ गरौंला| हामीले त मित्रताको कारणले गल्ति माफ गर्न सक्छौं तर समयले माफी दिंदैन| आलोक, कन्फ्युज भएको छौं भनेर तिमीले भिडियोमा भनेकै रहेछौ, अहिले नै धेरै लामो सोच है| कन्फ्युज भएर बस्नु राम्रो होइन ल|"

दिपेन माले
उपाध्यक्ष, गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चा
केन्द्रिय समिति, दार्जीलिंग|

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6th August a day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017

8:11 PM

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Press Release

Press Release

We fought a leaderless battle. 6th August is day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017.

This exact day, the aspiration of thousands washed off, when the so called brave leader of Gorkhas, Bimal Gurung ran for his life making mockery out of the sacrifices given by the martyrs. He chose his personal wellbeing over the cause of gorkhas and absconded when Darjeeling Police raided Gurung’s strong hold in the midst of the agitation last year.

Bimal Gurung 

It’s to be noted that, last year, during the end of July, that there were more number of people on the streets than police in the hills. The police was on the back foot as they didn’t want to aggravate the boiling situation after the death of nearly 12 people then. The police was seen locked in their confined areas as there were massive protests rallies and an ongoing indefinite hunger strike in the hills.

That was the time when Bimal Gurung should have come out in the public and showed his appearance as the agitation was seen to be going nowhere and the fact of ‘no leader on the ground’ too could not be ignored.

The speeches in the Bazar were given by GJM local town leaders along with some CPRM and GNLF leaders. In this given situation, the role of Binoy Tamang has to be appreciated. Even Maan Ghisingh was seen leading GNLF rallies and Binoy Tamang made an attempt to meet the sitting in for a hunger strike in chowrasta. There was a desperate attempt by GJM leadership begging Bimal Gurung to come to out and address the public but all went for vain as Bimal Gurung was reluctant to come out and he claimed to say that there would ‘be law and order’ situation.

Bimal Gurung, right from the start failed to come out. The Darjeeling police had even given him a chance to attend the 13th June, all party meeting in Gymkhana which he denied saying the police could not be trusted.

However, it was like any other typical monsoon day on 6th August, last year, the town was foggy and gloomy, while the ongoing strike had entered its 53rd day. And just after the everyday rally, the people were returning home, there was sudden buzz about how police were gathered to go down to Patlebas for a raid.

This was the first raid in Patlebas after June.

I would like to describe here about the situation in Patlebas, in July.
It was guarded by more than 1000 boys with patang (long sharp weapon) in military uniform with black masks. These boys were seen checking cars of the visitors who had come to visit Bimal Gurung. The people who visited Gurung then were being frisked at every 1 KM starting from St Micheal’s School. There were numerous camps of such masked people from Singmari to Patlebas.

The town was tensed as the police slowly approached Singmari. The people feared that these armed masked men would attack the police and the situation in the hills would deteriorate once again, but on contrary, these masked men were seeing fleeing for their lives while the police slowly approached down. Many of them fractured their hands and legs while jumping from tea gardens as Darjeeling Police marched down.

The so called “Gorkhaland ko Lagi Pran Dinchu” boys ran for their lives leaving their camps.

The news of the police raid quickly reached Bimal Gurung who had his camp in Singla. Instead of tackling with the police and facing them, Gurung crossed the border and entered Sikkim for his safety. Once Bimal Gurung was on the run, there was no leadership in the hills where Binoy and Anit were forced to take the leadership in their hands.

This was day when Police got the pulse of the coward leader and from that day the police never took a ‘U’ turn on him.


But, the million dollar questions which arise here is,

‘Is Bimal Gurung the real leader of billion Gorkhas? If you still nod your heads in agreement, then why would such leader leave the agitation directionless and abscond? Should we consider the fugitive one, our leader?

Satish Pokhrel
Vice President
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha
Central Committee

प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

हामीले नेतृत्वविहीन युद्ध लड़्यौ। 6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्ड हारेको एउटा दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन।

6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दाको हार भएको दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन हो किनभने 2017 मा ठीक यही दिन गोर्खाहरूको आँटी अनि इमान्दार मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङले पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई समेत अधकल्चोमा छोड़ेर सुइँकुच्चा ठोकी भागेका थिए।

सबैलाई अवगत भएकै कुरा हो, गतवर्ष जुलाईको अन्तमा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता हजारौं संख्यामा आफ्नो ज्यानको पर्वाह नगरी सड़कमा निस्किएका थिए। पुलिसबलभन्दा धेर संख्यामा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता गोर्खाल्याण्डको माग गर्दै सड़कमा उत्रिएको थियो। फलस्वरूप दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा कुनै प्रकारको हिँसा नहोस् भनेर पुलिस बलसमेत ब्याकफुटमा जानु परेको थियो। किनभने योभन्दा अघि नै हिँसा भएको कारणले गर्दा 12 जना गोर्खाहरू शहीद बनिसकेको थियो। पुलिसहरू आ-आफ्नो इलाकामा नै तैनाथ रहनु परेको थियो भने दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा हजारौंको संख्यामा मानिसहरू सड़कमा उर्लेर विरोध रयाली, जुलुस गरिरहेको थियो भने आमरन अनशनसमेत चलिरहेको थियो।

यस्तो स्थितिमा विमल गुरूङ एक आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेता भएको भए आफ्नो समर्थक आन्दोलनकारीहरूको बीचमा आएर आन्दोलनकारीहरूलाई मनोबल प्रदान गर्नुपर्ने थियो अनि आन्दोलनलाई अझ प्रभावशाली बनाएर अघि लानुपर्नेथियो। तर हजारौं समर्थकहरूको घेराबन्दी रहँदा-रहँदै पनि विमल गुरूङ कहिल्यै आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन मैदानमा आएनन्। आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन बजारका क्षेत्रीय नेता अनि क्रामाकपाका केही नेताहरूमात्रै भाषणहरू दिने गरेतापनि आन्दोलनको 105 दिन नै विमल गुरूङ आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन लुकेर बसे। शहीदलाई श्रद्धाञ्जलि चड़ाउनसमेत उनलाई मैदानमा आउने आँट भएन। इमान्दार अनि आँटी मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड अनि शहीदको वलिदानको भन्दा धेर मूल्य आफ्नो प्राणको रहयो।

यस्तो विकट स्थितिमा पनि भाषण दिने बजारका ती क्षेत्रीय नेतृत्त्व अनि क्रामाकपाका नेतृत्त्वहरू बरू विमल गुरूङभन्दा इमान्दार अनि साहसी देखियो। यसबाहेक अति सम्वेदनशील स्थितिमा पनि आफ्ना समर्थकहरूसित रयालीमा आउने गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष अनि आफू पक्रा पर्ने तथा ज्यान जाने डरलाई समेत पन्साएर चौरास्तामा अनशनकारीहरूसित भेट्न पुग्ने अनि दार्जीलिङ शहरका कतिपय विरोधमूलक कार्यक्रमहरूमा जनताबीच पुगेर मनोबल पड़ाउने विनय तामाङ विमल गुरूङभन्दा कैयौं गुणा साहसी अनि इमान्दार रहेको बुझियो। कानून व्यवस्था ठीक नभएको तथा आफ्नो ज्यानको खतरा रहेको कायरपूर्ण बयान दिँदै विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनकालभरि केही भागिरहे। आन्दोलनको शुरूआतदेखि नै विमल गुरूङ भागिरहे यहाँसम्म कि 13 जूनमा जीमखानामा आयोजित अल पार्टी मीटिङमा सहभागी बन्न पुलिसले अनुमति दिँदा पनि पुलिस प्रशासनको विश्वास नरहेको उल्लेख गर्दै पक्रा पर्ने डरले उनी उक्त मीटिङमा पनि सामेल भएनन्।

गतवर्ष 6 अगस्तको दिन गोर्खल्याण्ड आन्दोलन सल्केको 53 दिन भएको थियो। सोहीमा  दिन पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी अभियान चलाएको थियो। जून महीनापछि पातलेबासमा गरिएको यो पहिलो छापामारी थियो। जुलाई महीनासम्म पातलेबाँसमा फौजी पोशाक लगाएर  मुखमा कालो पट्टी बाँधेका लगभग 1000 केटाहरू पाताङ (धारिलो हतियार) लिएर विमल गुरूङको निगरानीमा बस्दथ्यो। ती युवाहरूले विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न आउने सबैको गाड़ी अनि शरीर निरीक्षण गर्थे। विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न जानेहरूलाई पातलेबासदेखि लगभग एक किमी माथि स्थित सेन्ट माइकल स्कूलदेखि नै निरीक्षण अनि निगरानी गर्थे। सिङमारीदेखि पातलेबाससम्म यस्तै मास्क लगाउने केटाहरूको धेरै ठाउँमा  बस्ने गर्थे। 

पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा ती केटाहरू अनि पुलिसमाझ हिस्रक भिड़न्त हुनसक्ने तथा दार्जीलिङ पहाड़को स्थिति भयावह भएर जाने मानिसहरूले चिन्ता व्यक्त गरिरहेका थिए। तर जब पुलिसले पातलेबासमा छापामारी गरियो गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति प्राण दिन्छु भन्ने ती युवकहरू पनि आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन चम्पट कसे। यतिमात्र होइन जब पुलिस छापामारीको खबर सिङ्लामा क्याम्प लगाएर बसेको विमल गुरूङले सुने उनी अडिग भएर बस्नुको साटो आफ्नो सुरक्षाको निम्ति तत्कालै सिक्किम सीमा नाघेर चम्पट कसे। एकातिर गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति ज्यान समेत दिएर जनताले उनलाई सहयोग गरिरहेका थिए भने विमल गुरूङ पक्रा पर्ने डरले सिक्किमतिर भागेका थिए। विमल गुरूङ भागेपछि गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन दिशाहीन बन्ने अवस्थामा बाध्यतावश विनय तामाङ अनि अनित थापाले आन्दोलनको नेतृत्त्व सम्हालेका थिए। उनीहरूमाथि पनि विमल गुरूङजत्तिकै खतरा भएतापनि उनीहरूले दार्जीलिङ पहाड़ छोड़ेनन् आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर भागेनन्। परिस्थितिलाई डटेर सामना गरे। आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेतृत्त्व विमल गुरूङ हुन् कि विनय तामाङ र अनित थापा हुन् भन्ने यसैले पनि स्पष्ट पार्छ।
6 अगस्त अर्थात् आजको दिन विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर सिक्किम भागेपछि नै आन्दोलनमा पुलिस प्रशासनको दबाउ बड़्दै गएको हो। किनभने जनताले आँटी र इमान्दार भनेर विश्वास गरेको नेता विमल गुरूङ नै डरछेरूवा भएर भागेपछि पुलिसले विमल गुरूङको नाड़ी छामे।
सबैभन्दा ठूलो अनि महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न के रहेको छ भने विमल गुरूङले शहीदहरूको वलिदान अनि जनताको भावनालाई कदर गर्दै नभागी डटेर परिस्थितिको सामना गरेको भए के उनको सुरक्षा आन्दोलनमा खटिएका हजारौं गोर्खाहरूले गर्ने थिएन?  अथवा गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति उनी पक्रा नै परेको भएतापनि जनताको मन- मस्तिष्कमा उनको प्रभाव अझ बड़ेर उनी क्रान्तिकारी कहलाइने थियो र गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता अझ समर्पित भएर आन्दोलनमा उत्रिने थिए र सम्भवतः गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन निरन्तर रहिरहने थियो।
तर मुखलेमात्रै बाघ हुँ भन्ने विमल गुरूङ आफैले डरछेरूवा मानसिकता देखाएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन भताभुङ्ग बनाए भने सरकारलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन दबाउने प्रशस्त मार्गहरू पनि बनाइदिए। डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको प्रतिनिधिले पक्रा पर्ने डरले डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको सपना अनि बलिदानलाई लत्याएर भागेको आजको दिन गोर्खाहरूको भाग्यमा ग्रहण लागेको दिन हो। वीर गोर्खाहरूको इतिहाँसमा आजको दिन विमल गुरूङको कायरपनाको बदनाम इतिहाँस कोरिएको छ।

सतीश पोखरेल
उपाध्यक्ष
गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा,केन्द्रिय समिति|

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From Gorkhaland to GTA and then to Greenfield: A Road to Serfdom

6:34 PM

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Politics

Writes Pratik Rumba for YKA

“For a colonized people the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity.” – Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.

Activists of Gorkhaland Sanyukta Sangharsh Samiti shouting slogans during their demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi | PTI

The state of ‘Bangla’ has finally fulfilled, as the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) chairman says, the dream of ‘People of Darjeeling’ by granting a university in state assembly. The leader of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJM- B) left no space and time to express his gratitude towards the Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee for showing her ‘benevolent’ attitude towards the ‘non-tax payer’ of Darjeeling region. Now even the sons and daughters of ‘illiterate’ and ‘un-productive’ tea garden workers, who generate huge revenue to the owner and state government, can fulfil their dreams,  in the ‘Indian labour market’ that has been eagerly waiting for them from centuries. The people who are ought to be displaced for the new railway project may probably find a job as a construction worker in the upcoming university.

The forte of happiness was so much so that a central committee member, who was formerly a student leader, equated the decision of state university to ‘Gorkhaland in the field of education’. What could possibly have happened had the central university bill been passed in the parliament? Yes! Then according to his argument it seems there would have been a Separate country in the field of education. This sudden mania of the GJM leaders and its cadres is astonishingly stupid as ‘Annexure B2’ of the memorandum of agreement for GTA, signed in 2011, had already listed various institutes (such as Central institute of technology, NIT including IT and Bio-Technology, Fashion Technology institute, medical and nursing colleges and Central university) to be established as grand ‘developmental projects’ under GTA with an aid from both central and state government.

—Manias—

The manias of GJM-B only manifest their incapacitated ruling of the GTA-2 since they took charge of Lalkothi last year. This (manias) could very well be the reflection of the limited time GJM-B has onwards to Lokhsabha election. From its inception in 2011, GTA hardly made any difference in the lives of people apart from repairs of roads and timely ‘statehood’ threat from the then GJM supremo to state and central government. The helplessness of the situation only aggravated the crisis further leading up to another uprising for statehood in 2016.The GTA gambling card that was placed on the table at Pintail village by both state and centre was supposed to achieve ‘all round development of the people of region’ in terms of socio-economic, infrastructural, educational, cultural, and linguistic developments. Now, the seven years down the line the GTA card turned out to be the lowest of all the poker hands and has nothing to show in concrete in the run up for Lokhsabha election campaign in 2019. In this context, the manias of the GJM-B is lucidly justifiable.

—What’s in a name? —

What was fishy (daal me kala) about the bill was the name of the University. They (the state) named the upcoming university in the region as ‘Greenfield’ university. All the universities established in the state of West Bengal has been named either after the name of the region (Bankura, Bardaman, Raiganj etc.) or after some historical figures (Rabindra Bharati, Sido Kanuhu Murmu, Kazi Nazrul etc.). The government that has been constituting “n” number of ethnic boards supposedly for promoting local culture and dialects could not manage to find even a single word that could well describe/ define the historical specificity of the region. Such move of naming the university bereft of any local/regional specificity is to make people of the region cognizant of the fact that they have no historical figures, whom they can look up to.

As a crutch to the state government, some cadres of the GJM through various social media platform started a campaign ‘What’s in a Name’. The name is not as simple to be relegated to just a word but it also carries with it the objective reality. However, the political manoeuvring of words is not new in Darjeeling politics. The power and solemnity of a word is to be learnt from late Subash Ghishing. After a compromise of Gorkhaland movement in 1986, the then chairman of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) went to claim that Identity problem of the Gorkhas has been resolved as the state and central government has agreed to add ‘Gorkha’ in Darjeeling Hill Council. We now know for how long GNLF ruled the region under the shadow of the then Left front government by just adding a word Gorkha to the Hill Council. For that matter, even the united GJM (A+B) after their compromise in 2011 had openly taken credit and pride of having the word ‘Gorkhaland’ in the new territorial set up (GTA).

The GJM-B, particularly at this juncture, is well aware of the implication that a word can have for its ‘own’ survival and would rather prefer to leave no stone unturned. As expected, GJM MLA approached the monitoring team at Nabanna requesting a change in the name from ‘Greenfield’ to ‘Darjeeling University’. But it still raises few doubts. First, had they (anyone from the region) not been consulted beforehand while formulating the bill? Second, why has the state government preferred to use a ‘foreign’ name that has nothing to do with the people and their regional history? Third, is it an act of denial of people’s history in the region? The state government may rename the university from Greenfield to Darjeeling University, which of course is a politically neutral word that should not bother much, sooner or later but the whole political cinematography only reflected the high handedness of the state government over the region and the ‘puppetism’ of the local leaders.

—Gorkha National Question (s) and the Development—

At the pick phase of the last Gorkhaland movement, an old man from a tea garden was asked to define Gorkhaland in an interview by a local media. His answer was simple and succinct: For him Gorkhaland meant land (Gorkhaland Bhaneko Mato Ho!). How would have the leader of the Gorkhaland movement answered the very same question? Not surprisingly, the answer would have been the ‘lack of development’. Not only has the beguiled leader of the movement but even the honest Gorkha intellectuals and supporters confused the Gorkha national question (s) with the (one point) ‘undervelopment’ problem.
The argument of ‘underdevelopment’ has its origin in the left front rule in West Bengal. Whenever the demand for separate statehood intensified the ruling class and its intelligentsia always brought  ‘underdevelopment’ on the table for discussion thus diverting the core question of national political identity for Gorkhas to the general problem of underdevelopment faced by every people and regions in India. GJM leaflet (2009) at the very outset quite correctly identified the core problem of the Gorkhas that read ‘the demand for Gorkhaland is basically a question of the Gorkha Indian Political Identity…as the spectre of ‘alien-ness’, being called ‘foreigner’ and ‘eviction’ continues to hunt the Indian Gorkhas even today…”.  However, major part of the leaflet emphasised on the question of ‘economic deprivation’ and ‘discrimination’.

Economic backwardness may be one of the aspects of the crisis in the region but an information document (1986) of West Bengal itself suggests that the district, in terms of various economic indicators, stands out to be better than any other districts in north Bengal or any districts in western Bengal such as Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and Midnapur. If economic development is the panacea for century old unrest in the region then one would expect cropping up of such statehood demand in every regions of the state.

Now let us assume that the state/central government is going to fulfil all the major projects, listed in MoU of GTA, including the establishment of various institutes and central university in the region. Are these ‘mega’ projects going to resolve the national question (s) of the Gorkhas? For elucidation, the Chinese government has changed and transformed the face of Tibet better than any cities in India through its mega developmental projects. Has it also changed the aspiration of the people of Tibet? Since 2011, around 152 Tibetans have self-immolated for their national cause.

—Gorkhaland and the Land Question—

The major part of Darjeeling district is covered by forest and tea gardens. Almost 70 percent of the population lives in forest and tea gardens. Since the forest and tea gardens come under the jurisdiction of state government, none of the population staying in the forest and tea gardens has the ownership right over land. Even for small repairing work of the houses, one has to take permission beforehand from the management to whom the state government has given the land in lease for pittance. Not only the tea gardens and the forest, there are several villages near the towns (comes under municipality) that have no valid and legal documents to support their claim/ownership right over land. It is precisely due to this alienation of people from their own land, which time and again gets articulated in terms of strong posturing of land question in the movement for Gorkhaland.

A significant number of the tea gardens are in a state of lock down as workers demanded a hike in wage rate. Lockout has become a popular instrument of keeping the wages at the subsistence level in tea gardens. Even the plantation labour act 1951 that favours the owner and the management are being violated. Some of the tea gardens are locked down throughout the year except in the plucking and harvesting seasons. In doing so, the management is not liable to provide basic rights such as ration, medical facilities, bonus etc. There are also instances when the workers have requested the management to run the factory without even providing statutory rights to them. In some of the abandoned tea gardens, the workers by defying the state government formed a cooperative and started running the factory. However, the state government later leased out the same to private players. This is how generations after generations of the tea garden workers have been kept under starvation and poverty. This is also probably the reason that the people from tea gardens stand out quite vehemently at the forefront of every Gorkhaland agitation.

Moreover, the tea industry has not been doing quite well particularly in the neo-liberal phase of globalisation. The reason for this could be growing competition in the tea industry. Another reason for this dwindling situation of the tea industry is the reluctance of the management to reinvest back in the production site. This has resulted in the limited development of productive forces and has also constrained the increase in the productive capacity (employment opportunity) in the tea industry. Can the people of district go for other livelihood options (at least where the factories have been shut down for a long time) so that they can raise the standard of living and send their children to Greenfield University in the coming few years from now? The state of West Bengal is known for having more or less successful land reform, where the state confiscate the land from the land lord and distribute it to the bargardars (tenants), in the history of Indian land reform. One may be interested in knowing the proportion of land that was distributed to the people of Darjeeling during the much celebrated ‘operation Barga’ (1978-1985). Can the state government distribute abandoned tea estates to the erstwhile tea garden workers? The monitoring team at Nabanna would not be pleased to hear all that ‘crap’ as the Nabanna is also constantly monitored by domestic and foreign capital.

—The beginning—

The century old national question (s) of the Gorkhas in the district of Darjeeling cannot be resolved through extravagant use of money and power. The same old method of silencing the dissent voices has only postponed the crisis in the region as the frequency of the statehood demand has increased in recent years. Moreover, the state led financing of the anti-statehood squad (ethnic boards, GJM-B etc.) in the region is unsustainable in the long term as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) data noted that the West Bengal debt (second top borrower only after Maharashtra) burden has increased staggeringly in the last few years. It is more likely that the people of district is going to witness a change in the squad in coming years.

The state government has been acting like a ‘traditional landlord’, where it refuses the release the productive forces but collects handsome revenue by leasing out land to the tea owners. In the absence of enough employment opportunity there has been a temporary migration in big cities and many have piled up in the informal sector of the region. The outcome of national register of citizen (NRC) in Assam may likely to further aggravate the situation, in the region, as it did in the late 1980s when Bhutanese government enforced the citizenship act of 1958.
The territorial separation of oppressed, marginalized and discriminated region is a step ahead for the democratization of the oppressive and centralized social structure of India.  However, there is a need to enlarge the canvas of Gorkha national struggle vis-à-vis other struggles by oppressed nationalities, oppressed communities and religious minorities in Indian subcontinent today. However, the major concern of the Gorkhaland movement since from its inception has been liquidation of the movement from the rank of its own leaders.  The regular betrayal has led the movement to the road of serfdom at various points . Such betrayal is to be overcome through concerted spirit and uncompromising participation for the statehood and their own homeland which assign them the real political identity in Indian subcontinent.

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NRC could threaten national security and start communal violence - Binay Tamang

12:52 PM

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Politics

"NRC political game of BJP - could threaten national security and start communal violence in the country" - says Binay Tamang

GJM (BT) faction chief and the current GTA Board of Administrators Chairman Binay Tamang on Wednesday said that he would extend legal support to Assam’s Gorkha community if they were displaced following implementation of NRC.

He claimed, "of the 40 lakh people in Assam whose names have not appeared in NRC, nearly 1 lakh are Gorkhas."

“The NRC draft is not final. People whose names are not on the list can submit fresh applications. But even after that, if those whose names have been struck off do not get enlisted, then our party will extend all support,” said Binay Tamang.

He further added “NRC is a political game of BJP, which could threaten national security and start communal violence in the country. We abhor such political games”.

He alleged that BJP would also implement NRC in Bengal to displace not only Gorkhas but other minority communities in the state in order to make political gains.

[With inputs from Times News Network, file pic]

Via TheD

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आसाममा १ लाख गोर्खाहरूको नाम मेटिएको घोर विरोध गर्दछौं -बिनय तामाङ

6:00 PM

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Politics

नेशनल रेजिस्टर अफ सिटिजन मार्फत आसामका कूल ४० लाख मानिसहरूको नाम काटिएको छ भने उक्त ४० लाखमध्ये १ लाख गोर्खाहरूको नाम मेटिएको हामीलाई जानकारी प्राप्त भएको छ। गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा आसामका ती सबा गोर्खाहरूलाई उक्त ट्राफ्ट फाइनल राफ्ट नरहेकोले फेरि पनि आफ्नो नागरिकता प्रमाणित गर्ने समय रहेको जनाउँदै पुनः आवेदन गर्ने अपील गर्दछौं।यति गरेर फाइनल ड्राफ्टमा पनि यदि कुनै वैध भारतीय गोर्खाहरूको नाम छुटिन गए प्रावधानअनुसार अन्य कानूनी प्रक्रियाहरू अप्नाउने दिशामा उनीहरूलाई गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले पूर्ण सहयोग गर्ने आश्वासन प्रदान गर्दछौं।

आसाममा भाजपा सरकारले शुरू गरेको एनआरसीको हामी घोर प्रतिवाद जनाउँदछौं। यो भाजपाको राजनैतिक स्वार्थप्रेरित पदक्षेप हो।

यसबाहेक पश्चिम बंगालमै पनि एनआरसी लागु गर्ने भाजपाको मनाशय रहेको छ। भाजपा पश्चिम बंगाल प्रभारी दिलीप घोषले पश्चिम बंगालमा पनि एनआरसी लागु गर्ने भाजपाको योजना रहेको बताइसकेका छन्।भाजपाले राजनैतिक स्वार्थ सिद्ध गर्न नै बंगालमा पनि एआरसी लागु गर्ने षड़यन्त्र बुनेका हुन्। यदि बंगालमा पनि एनआरसी लागु गरेको खण्डमा बंगालको उत्तरपूर्वी क्षेत्रमा बसोबासो गर्ने गोर्खाहरूलाई पनि आसामबाट झैं उच्छेद गर्ने षड़यन्त्र भाजपाद्वारा शुरू गर्ने हामीलाई शङ्का रहेको छ।बंगालका अल्पसंख्यक समुदायहरूको नाम मेटाएर बंगालको सत्ता हत्याउने ताकमा भाजपाले बंगालका अल्पसंख्यक समुदायको पनि नागरिक अधिकार हनन गर्ने सोच बनाइरहेको हामीलाई शङ्का भइरहेको छ।

आसाम अनि पश्चिम बंगालमामात्रै नभएर देशका अन्य कतिपय राज्यहरूमा पनि एनआरसी लागु गर्ने भाजपाको योजना रहेको छ। यदि भाजपाले यसो गरेको खण्डमा सम्पूर्ण देशमा नै साम्प्रदायिक हिँसा अनि दङ्गा- फसाद फैलिएर जाने पनि निश्चित रहेको छ। यसरी राजनैतिक स्वार्थसिद्ध गर्नुको निम्ति राष्ट्रको साम्प्रदायिक सद्भावना भत्काउनु तथा राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षामाथि प्रश्नचिह्न खड़ा गर्नु अति निन्दनीय कुरा हो। हामी यसको घोर विरोध गर्दछौं।

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गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन अनि दिल्ली घोषणा

5:56 PM

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Politics

दिनांक 28 अनि 29 तारीख जुलाई 18 मा गोरखल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति को आह्वान  मा डाकिएको प्रस्तावित गोरखल्याण्ड क्षेत्र लगायत सम्पूर्ण भारतब्यापि राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधि हरु लाई लिएर गरिएको गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन सुचारू रूप मा सम्पन्न भयो। गोर्खाहरु को राष्ट्रिय चिनारी र राजनैतिक सुरक्षा को निम्ति गरिएको सिंगो मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड को निम्ती साथै पहाड़ मा बंगाल सरकार द्वारा गोर्खा हरु को अस्तित्व मास्न गोर्खाहरु माथि गरिरहेको बिभिन्न अन्याय र अत्याचार बिरुद्ध अनि देशब्यापी गोर्खा हरु ले बिभिन्न राज्य हरु तिर भोगीरहेको बिभिन्न समस्या हरु लाई लिएर गरिएको शिखर सम्मलेन मा पहाड़ का राजनैतिक पार्टी बाट गोर्खा राज्य निर्माण मोर्चा बाट अध्यक्ष  श्री दावा पाखरीन अनि टोली, गोर्खा जन मुक्ति मोर्चा (बिमल गुरुङ पन्थी) बाट डा० लोपसांग लामा, श्री रमेश आले, प्राध्यपक उर्मिला रुम्बा, अनिल लोप्चन अनि टोली, क्रमैले क्रन्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी पार्टी बाट अध्यक्ष श्री आर बी राई अनि टोली,  यु जी आर एफ बाट अध्यक्ष श्री अजय दहाल अनि टोली, एन जी सी बाट रिटायर्ड डी जी पी श्रीमान अनिल प्रधान, नवीन सुब्बा, आई डि आर एफ बाट श्रीमान केदार नाथ शर्मा, डोनाल्ड गहतराज अनि टोली, जी यु एल एफ बाट सचिव श्रीमती ऋषिका छेत्री, असम गोर्खा छात्र संघ बाट अध्यक्ष श्री प्रेम तमांग अनी टोली, श्री सुनिल छेत्री अनी टोली, भारतीय गोर्खा परिसंघ बाट श्री जोएल राई, जी डब्लू डब्लू ए एम् मेघालय बाट अद्यक्ष श्रीमती सरस्वती राई, जेस्मिन राइ अनि टोली, मणिपुर गोर्खा सुधारक संघ बाट सचिव श्री शिव बस्नेत, ए आई जी इ डब्लू ए देहरादून बाट महासचिव श्री ए के मुखिया, उत्तराखंड जी एस एस एस बाट श्री गजेन्द्र शाही, गोर्खा डेमोक्रेटिक फ्रन्ट बाट अध्यक्ष श्री सूर्य बिक्रम शाही,हेल्प क्रस बाट बिशाल थापा, उत्तराखण्ड सर्ब समाज महा संघ बाट सारीका प्रधान अनी टोली, गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय कांग्रेस बाट - अध्यक्ष श्री भरत दोङ, सुबोध पाख्रिन अनि टोली, जी एस एस एस दार्जीलिङ बाट आशिष छेत्री, जी एस एस एस कालेबुङबाट उमेश शर्मा, बीर गोर्खा कल्याण समिति बाट अध्यक्ष श्री श्रवण सिंह प्रधान, सिक्किम बाट अधिबक्ता सुश्री याङ्जी पिनाशा, डुवर्स गोजामुमो(बिमल गुरुङ गुट ) बाट श्री रोहित थापा आदि प्रमुख रूप ले उपस्थित थिए, जाप पार्टी बाट प्रतिनिधि को रूप मा सुप्रीम कोर्ट का अधिवक्ता श्री महेश सिंह जी उपस्थित थिए भने उनले जाप अध्यक्ष श्री हर्क बहादुर क्षेत्री आफ्नो पारिवारिक असुविधा ले उपस्थित हुन नसकेको तर उक्त सम्मेलन को निर्णय लाई समर्थन साथै सहयोग गर्ने अध्यक्ष को लिखित संदेश पढेर हाउस लाई सुनाए, यस लगायत सिक्किम टेवा मञ्च, एन सी सी जी मणिपुर, एन जी ए नागाल्याण्ड,शिलगडी बाट बि पि बजगाँई, कालेबुङबाट पिक्सा सुझाव एव लिखित सहमति प्राप्त भएको छ। २८ तारीख को दिन एम् पी क्लब नार्थ एभिन्यू दिल्ली मा अनि दोस्रो दिन करोल बाग मा सम्पन्न भएको उक्त सम्मलेन लाई रिटायर्ड आई पी एस श्री नर्बु छिरिंग ज्यु ले अद्यक्षता गरेका थिए। उक्त सम्मेलन मा स्वागत भाषण गोरखल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति का अद्यक्ष श्री किरण बी के ले राखेका थिए, कार्यक्रम मुख्य मोडेरेटर जिएसएसएस कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष सघन मोक्तान एंव जिएसएसएस का राष्ट्रिय प्रबक्ता श्रीमती अन्जनी शर्माले गरेका थिए ।  जसमा उनले सबै लाई स्वागत जनाउदै गोर्खा हरुका पहाड़ देखि लिएर देशब्यापी समस्या हरु लाई राखेका थिए भने यो सम्मलेन बाट यी सबै समस्या निराकरण को बाटो अनि गोर्खे अस्तित्व जगेरा को बलियो धरातल बनियोस् साथै जनता को आकांशा अनुरूप यसको निचोड़ निस्कियोस् भन्दै सुरुवात गरेका थिए।

सम्मलेन को पहिलो दिन को कार्यसूची अनुरूप गोरखल्याण्ड को बिगत आंदोलन हरु असफल भएको प्रमुख कारण हरु खुट्याउने काम भयो जसमा उपस्थित सबै प्रतिनिधि हरु ले बिभिन्न कारण हरु राखे साथै ति कारण हरु माथि चर्चा परिचर्चा गरियो। यसरी नै दोस्रो दिन ती समस्या हरु को समाधान बिषय लिएर बहस चल्यो, भने 2019 को रणनीति बारे पनि धेरै तर्क भयो साथै सबै ले बिचार साझा राखे । समाधान को क्रम मा सबै ले साझा पहल मा साझा रणनीति नै प्रमुख समाधान रहेको मन्तब्य पोखे भने सबै भन्दा पहिला साझा मंच मा आउन जरुरी रहेको सबै अग्रज हरु को भनाई थियो। जाती अस्तित्व को निम्ती यो समय धेरै खतरनाक रहेको र हामी सबै ले पहाड़ मा चलिरहेको बिभिन्न चल खेल र अत्याचार बिरुद्ध साथै मणिपुर को गोर्खा हरु ले भोगी रहेको आई एल पी को समस्या आसाम का गोर्खा हरु ले भोगी रहेको डी भोटर र एन आर सी को समस्या लगायत देश का बिभिन्न राज्य तिर बसोबास गर्ने गोर्खा हरु को निराकरण को निम्ती सबै ले एकमुष्ट भएर साझा रूप मा पहल गर्ने निधो गर्दै निम्न रेजुलेशन लाई सर्ब सम्मति ले पारित गरियो।
गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन ले पारित गरेका 7 बुँदे रेजुलेशन निम्न प्रकार ले छन।

1. गोर्खाल्याण्ड अभियान लाई अगाडि बढाउन सबै राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधि हरु लाई लिएर राष्ट्रिय स्तर को संयोजक समुह को निर्माण गरियो।

२. गत आन्दोलन को निहुँ मा प्रस्तावित गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्र मा बंगाल प्रशासन द्वारा चलाइएको दमन उत्पीडन र झुटा मामला हरु बन्द गरिनु पर्छ।

३. भारत को खाट्टी नागरिक माथि बंगाल सरकार जातिय उत्पीडन रोक्न केन्द्र सरकार ले तुरन्त हस्तक्षेप गर्नु पर्छ।

४. संवैधानिक अनि न्यायोचित मांग गरिरहेका श्री विमल गुरुङ लगायत अन्य नागरिकहरु लाई बंगाल प्रशासन ले गरिरहेको पानी खेदो तुरन्त बन्द हुनु पर्छ।

५. गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय शिखर सम्मेलन ले पारित गरेको रेजुलेशन को प्रति सम्पूर्ण राज्य का मुख्यमंत्री, राज्यपाल साथै संसद का विपक्ष का नेता हरुलाई उपलब्ध गराउनु पर्नेछ।

६. असम मा बसो बासो गर्ने गोर्खा समुदाय लाई डी भोटर र फरेन ट्रीब्युनल द्वारा षड्यन्त्र पूर्वक विदेशी तथा बंगलादेशी थप्पा लगाउने असमेली सरकार को कार्य माथि  केन्द्रिय सरकार ले हस्तक्षेप गर्नु पर्छ।

७. बर्षौ देखि पूर्वोत्तर को राज्य मणिपुर मा बसोबास गर्ने गोर्खा समुदाय लाई विदेशी घोषित गर्न १९५० लाई कट आफ यिएर रखी जारी गरिएको मणिपुर पिपल बिल २०१८  तुरन्त फिर्ता हुनु पर्छ।

अन्त मा यो पहल लाई साँचो रूप मा राष्ट्रियकरण गर्न साथै नवगठित राष्ट्रिय संयोजक समुह जो प्रत्येक राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी बाट दुई दुई जना लिएर बनिएको छ यसको संयोजक को रूप मा जी एस एस एस को प्रतिनिधि ले नै कार्य गर्ने निधो गरियो साथै उक्त समुह द्वारा बारम्बार बसेर गोर्खा हरु को सिंगो राष्ट्रिय चिनारी को मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड को निम्ति साथै गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्र लगायत विभिन्न राज्यहरू को समस्या हरु पनि बुझ्ने हेतु ले देश का विभिन्न राज्य मा शिखर सम्मेलन को फलोअप मीटिंग राख्ने निधो गरियो साथै अगला कार्यक्रम असम को गुवाहाटी मा सेप्टेम्बर महिना मा गर्ने सर्वसम्मति ले पारित गरियो।

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गोर्खाल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति ( साझा मञ्च)

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West Bengal will shelter those not on Assam NRC: Mamata Banerjee

8:33 AM

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Politics

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee said that her state is ready to provide shelter to people not recognised as citizens in Assam's National Register of Citizens, the final draft of which was published today.

"We cannot push them back. We believe in humanity," Mamata said at a press conference in Kolkata soon after Assam NRC's final draft was released by central and state government officials.

The final draft has recognised 2,89,83,677 people as citizens of India, leaving out more than 40 lakh applicants. State and central government officials have repeatedly said that those left out of the final draft will have the opportunity to appeal and present objections.

Mamata Banerjee, however, attacked the final draft of the Assam NRC for excluding "people from north Bengal". "These people [the 40 lakh people excluded from the final draft] have been living in Assam for a long time... Just because of electoral politics unnecessary provocation is being created," Mamata said.

"This is clearly an attempt to push back Bengalis... where will these people go... what if Bangladesh doesn't take them?" Mamata questioned at her press conference.

"In one strike so many have been turned, refugees... I appeal to the home minister not to isolate them... Don't play with fire when it's about humanity, Its a plan to throw out Bengali speaking people and Biharis. Consequences will be felt in our state also" Mamata went on to say.

The final draft of the Assam NRC was released today amid tight security in the state. The register can be accessed at www.nrcassam.nic.in.

Those whose names are missing from the final draft will be able to file objections between August 30 and September 28, 2018.

Once the final NRC is published, those whose names aren't on the list will not be deemed as Indian citizens. They will then have to approach the foreigners tribunals to fight for their citizenship.

The NRC is being compiled under the orders of the Supreme Court in order to identify illegal foreigners living in Assam.

Via: India Today

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West Bengal name changed to "Bengla"

8:16 PM

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West Bengal

West Bengal Assembly passes resolution to change state’s name to “Bangla”

Writes: Avijit Ghosal

The West Bengal Assembly unanimously passed a resolution on Thursday to change the state’s name to Bangla.

However, the change in name will only happen once the home ministry approves the resolution.

The move follows months of back-and-forth between the state and Centre over the proposal.

The Centre had earlier turned down the state government’s proposal to change the name of West Bengal to ‘Bengal’ in English and ‘Bangla’ in Bengali. The state government, led by chief minster Mamata Banerjee, then decided to send another proposal of changing the name to Bangla in all three languages – Bengali, Hindi and English, state education minister Partha Chatterjee had earlier said.

Incidentally, the state government had decided to rename the state as ‘Bengal’ after its earlier proposal of rechristening it as ‘Paschim Bango’, made in 2011 when the Trinamool Congress took office, failed to get the Centre’s approval.

The primary reason for changing the name of West Bengal is that whenever there is a meeting of all states, West Bengal figures at the bottom of the list which is prepared in alphabetical order.

[Via: HT, file pic]

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निरजलाई याद आयो बिमलको।।

2:58 PM

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Sixth Schedule

बिमल गुरुङले छैटौं अनुसूचीलाई समर्थन गरे म पनि कानुनी रुपले बिमलको सहयोग गर्न तयार छु।।

हिज खरसाङमा गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चाले र्‍याली आयोजना गरेका थिए भने र्‍याली पछि मोटर स्ट्यान्डमा पुगेर सभामा परिणत भयो।
उक्त कुरा गोरामुमो नेता निरज जिम्बाले सभामा उपस्तिथ आफ्नो समर्थकहरुलाई सम्बोधन गर्दै भनेका हुन।।
पहाडँको राजनैतिक समाधानको निम्ति छैटौं अनुसूची बाहेक यदि अन्य कुनै पनि राम्रो ब्यवस्था भए म त्यस्को निम्ति निशुल्क काम गर्नु तयार छु ।निरज जिम्बा अनुसार बिमल गुरुङले पनि छैटौं अनुसूचीलाई समर्थन गरे उनी बिमल गुरुङको निम्ति कानुनी लडाई लडन तयार रहेको पनि बताएका छन्।।।गोरामुमो प्रवक्ताले दावी गरेअनुसार पहाडँमा अहिले पनि बिमल गुरुङको समर्थकहरु १००% रहेको अनि यदि पहाडमा चुनाव भए सबै कुरा स्पष्ट बन्नेछ।उनले बिमल गुरुङ बाहेक पहाडँका अन्य राजनैतिक दलका नेताहरुलाई पनि छैटौं अनुसूचीको समर्थनको निम्ति अघि आउने आवहन गरेका छन्।

सुत्र द्वारा थाहा लागेअनुसार भुमिगत नेता बिमल गुरुङले चाडै नै अडियो अथवा भिडियो म्यासेज द्वारा छैटौं अनुसूचीको निम्ति आफ्नो समर्थन जनाउन सक्नेछन्।

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Forest Rights Activist Transferred - Says "Its Vendetta Politics"

2:51 PM

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Politics

Residents of nearly 24 odd forest villages that fall under the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration have been demanding the implementation of the Forest Rights Act 2006 before the Sevoke-Rangpo rail project kicks off. A major portion of the railway tracks between Sevoke, around 30 km away from Siliguri, to Rangpo in Sikkim is a part of Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts that are under the GTA and will cut through several forest villages and hamlets under the GTA areas.

Fighting for their rights is Himalaya Forest Village Organisation (HFVO) which comprises of members from forest villagers in the GTA region.

HFVO Secretary Mr. Lila Kumar Gurung who is a teacher at the local Kumai High School has now been transferred to Rimbick [You can check the transfer order here: https://khabarmagazine.com/archives/21396]. He claims this is a vendetta, for taking a stand in favour of the forest dwellers and asking the government to provide land rights to forest dwellers under the Forest Rights Act 2006.

The situation in the hills and terai is complicated because Panchayat elections haven't been held here since 2005. In the absence of Gram Sabhas, which can give a go-ahead to such projects, the Union ministry of tribal affairs had given elected GTA members the right to act as panchayat members. However, since GTA stands dissolved, the Gram Sabha - comprising of all the villagers naturally have the latitude to issue or deny such a no-objection certificate.

Hundreds of residents of forest villages in Kalimpong and Darjeeling, which constitute the Gram Sabhas as per the Recognition of the Forest Rights Act 2006, have started adopting resolutions, demanding conversion of forest villages into revenue villages to ensure their rights, before they issue the no-objection certificate.

The villagers have stated that they would not allow the authorities concerned to begin construction of the railway project without the NOC from each Gram Sabha. They further claimed that authorities cannot carry out work there without the NOC from the Gram Sabha, and that the GTA does not have the right to issue the NOC to the railway authorities for the forest land.

There are no three-tier elected bodies in the Hills of Darjeeling and Kalimpong as rural polls have not been held there for the past 18 years due to technical and legal matters which have yet to be resolved. As a result, there are no proper records of the Gram Sabha comprising at least 165 forest villages.

According to sources, 24 of the 165 forest villages will be affected by the tunnel to be dug for the railway project.

“When the administration has converted forest villages into revenue villages in Alipurduar and other districts for other projects, no initiative was taken to ensure forest rights for us in Darjeeling and Kalimpong district,” said Mr. Lila Kumar Gurung recently, following GTA Board of Administrator Chairman Binay Tamang's extreme reaction to him and HFVO in Kalimpong.

Mr. Gurung has further claimed that a conspiracy was being hatched to deprive the forest villagers of their rights. “We had met the then GTA chief executive Bimal Gurung and discussed the matter. Mr. Gurung had taken a decision in our favour, and it was decided that all the 165 villages would be converted into revenue villages.

Later, as Binoy Tamang was appointed as the GTA chairman, we also approached him in writing. But we came to know all of a sudden that he will issue the NOC to the railway authorities,” he further claimed.

Forest villagers from Rangpo, Kinley, Melli, Teesta, Rambhi and some others also claimed that they had written to chief minister Mamata Banerjee, demanding that forest villagers’ rights be ensured before implementing the Sevoke-Rango railway link project.

A resident of Rangpo village in Kalimpong area, Smaran Rai, said: “Villagers are worried about their future following continuous threats from the administration during a survey on the railway project.

Nobody knows what is in store for them, rehabilitation and alternative livelihood.” “Residents living in the small stretch (of the project) that falls in Sikkim are not facing such problems. The Sikkim government has already compensated them properly,” Mr. Rai said.

A rights activist Soumitra Ghosh said the present situation in the Hills is “not suitable” for some persons to assemble in a particular place and demand their fundamental right.

“Where will the forest villages go, seeking justice? Authorities have not yet started talking to villagers, when no work can be carried out without the NOC from the Gram Sabha as per a circular of the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests under the Forest (Conservation) Act 1980, ensuring compliance of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act 2006,” he said.

Speaking against the transfer, Mr. Neeraj Zimba of GNLF said, "This transfer order of Sri. Lila Kumar Gurung, General Secretary, Himalayan Forest Villager's Organisation from Kumai High School to Rimbick High School is part of Binay Tamang's "Political Deal(ing)" as openly declared by him recently at public meetings in Kurseong, Kalimpong and Bijanbari respectively. For the first time in the history of Gorkha Politics we have ever seen a Nominated Stooge openly declare from a public platform that he will politically victimise all those who doesn't support him and endorse his views. Mockery of Democratic values and free speech.फरेस्ट बनबस्तिको अधिकारको कुरा गर्दा आज लिला गुरुङलाई भिक्टिमाइज ट्रास्फर गरिएको छ। के यो नै हो गणतन्त्र?

All Should Protest Against this as this is not just a routine exercise or a mutual transfer but political victimization of a person who chose to speak truth to the power - a right which has been given rightly by the Constitution." [sic]

Mr. Lila Kumar Gurung in the meanwhile seems to be unflustered with the transfer order and said, "I am a teacher - my primary duty is to teach and I will do that anywhere. They must assume by transferring me to Rimbick they will weaken the movement, but they are wrong. The movement will only grow stronger. Rimbick is comprised of many forest villages that are also deprived, I look forward to working with those villages and organize them to seek inclusion into FRA 2006 at the earliest".

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Gurung appealed pro-Gorkhaland parties to unite and speak with Centre for Gorkhaland

8:00 PM

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Politics

KOLKATA: Gorkha Janmukti Morcha supremo Bimal Gurung appealed pro-Gorkhaland political parties in Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts of West Bengal to unify and speak with Centre for Gorkhaland or else 'scratch heads' while Bodoland will be formed next after Telangana.

Stating that the Centre met representatives of pro-Bodoland parties on Thursday while ignoring pro-Gorkhaland parties' repeated pleas for talks over the statehood movement, Bimal Gurung said: "I appeal to all the political parties CPRM (Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists) JAP (Jan Andolan Party), ABGL (Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League), GNLF (Gorkha National Liberation Front) and Congress to keep aside their personal differences and unite together for Gorkhaland.

I have no issues even if you 'minus' me but you all unite and please hold talks with the Centre." "While talks for Telangana state formation was doing the rounds in 2013, I resigned from my post (of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration Chief Executive Officer) to press for Gorkhaland statehood. While Telangana was formed, we were betrayed. Now, pro-Bodoland parties have been summoned but what are our leaders doing? Why are they not holding talks with the Centre? If you can't speak with Centre now, again a new state Bodoland will be formed and we will scratch our heads and say we have been betrayed again. It is not necessary that only Bimal Gurung has to speak with Delhi. There are so many experienced and capable leaders in all other parties. It's their time to speak with Delhi," he added.

Speaking about his absence from the hills, the GJM leader said that he is underground to save the cause of statehood. "I undertook a democratic movement in 2017 and Bengal administration is pressing false cases and killing my loyalists in false encounters. They are also planning to kill me in such a false encounter. I have to stay underground to keep the statehood cause alive. I am not scared and neither am I a coward but I have to remain underground to keep the movement alive," he added. The GJM leader also urged the hill residents to light a candle on July 27 for the 13 people killed during 105-day Gorkhaland agitation last year. 

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काटियो भोटर लिस्टबाट विमल गुरुङ रोशन गिरीको नाउँ

7:02 AM

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vote

कालेबुङ 28 जुन।

गोजमुमो संस्थापक अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङको नाउँ भोटर लिस्टबाट हटाइएको छ। गुरुङसँगै भुमिगत बनेका रोशन गिरीको नाउँ पनि भोटर लिस्टबाट हटाइएको छ। उक्त समाचार चर्चित बङ्गाली दैनिक समाचार पत्रिकाले प्रकाशित गरेको छ। बारम्बार नोटिस दिँदा पनि चुनाव कार्यालयमा उपस्थित नभएको आरोपमा भुमिगत मोर्चा नेता विमल गुरुङको नाउँ मतदाता सूचिबाट हटाइएको हो। बुधबार दार्जीलिङ चुनाव कार्यालयबाट यसको जानकारी गराइएको समाचार पत्रमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ।

दार्जीलिङ जिल्ला मतदाता कार्यालयका अधिकारीले दिएको जानकारी अनुसार विमल गुरुङ उनकी पत्नी आशा गुरुङसँगै उनीहरूका छोरा अनि छोरीको पनि मतदाता सूचिबाट नाउँ हटाइएको छ। दार्जीलिङ जिल्ला चुनाव कार्यालयका एक जना अधिकारीले बताए अनुसार मतदाता सोची संशोधन, संयोजनको समय बारम्बार नोटिस दिँदा पनि उपस्थित नहुनेहरूको नाउँ हटाइएको हो। उनीहरूको नाउँ मतदाता सूचीबाट हटाउन अघि घरमा गएर भित्तामा नोटिस पनि टाँसिएको चुनाव कार्यालयले दाबी गरेको समाचार पत्रमा लेखिएको छ।

स्मरण रहोस, बितेको वर्ष 2017 मा छुट्टै राज्य गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन चर्केपछि विमल गुरुङ भुमिगत बनेका छन्। आन्दोलनकै समय दिल्ली प्रस्थान भएका रोशन गिरी पनि त्यसै समयदेखि भुमिगत अवस्थामा रहेका छन् भने गुरुङकी पत्नी आशा गुरुङ पनि आन्दोलनकै समयदेखि भुमिगत रहेकी छन्। उनीहरूको नाउँ भोटर लिस्टबाट हटाउनका निम्ति यसभन्दा अघि नै दार्जीलिङ जिल्लाको चुनाव कार्यालयबाट एउटा नोस्टिस जारी गरिएको थियो भने

भुमिगत बनेका गोजमुमो नेता विमल गुरुङ अनि रोशन गिरीको नाउँ भोटर लिस्टबाट हटाइएको छ। यसभन्दा अघि उनीहरूको नाउँ काट्नका निम्ति दार्जीलिङ जिल्ला चुनाव कार्यालयले एउटा नोटिस जारी गरेको थियो भने यसपल्ट दुवै नेताको नाउँ भोटर लिस्टबाट हटाइएको छ।

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पंचायत चुनाव में विमल गुरुंग गुट ने दर्ज कराई दमदार उपस्थिति।

4:11 PM

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West Bengal

*कालचीनी और नागराकाटा प्रखंड के कई पंचायतों में जीती सीटें

-"यदि केंद्रीय बलों की मौजूदगी में मतदान होता तो और सीटें मिलती" -शिवानंद पांडेय,

सिलीगुड़ी : गोरखा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा में दो गुट हो जाने के बाद भी ज्यादातर मोर्चा समर्थकों ने अपनी आस्था भूमिगत चल रहे मोर्चा नेता व गोरखालैंड टेरिटोरियल एडमिनिस्ट्रेशन के पूर्व मुख्य कार्यकारी विमल गुरुंग में जताई है।
ऐसा संकेत हाल ही में हुए त्रि-स्तरीय पंचायत चुनाव में देखने को मिला। इससे यह माना जा रहा हैं कि विमल गुरुंग का प्रभाव कम नहीं हुआ है। ऐसा उनके समर्थक मानते हैं। भाजपा के साथ गठबंधन कर गोजमुमो विमल गुरुंग गुट ने भाजपा के बैनर तले कालचीनी व नागराकाटा प्रखंड समेत डुवार्स क्षेत्र के विभिन्न ग्राम पंचायतों में पंचायत सदस्य की सीटों पर जीत दर्ज कराई। जबकि यह चर्चा जोरों पर थी कि गोजमुमो पर वर्चस्व विमल गुरुंग का कायम रहेगा या अब उनके खिलाफ ताल ठोंक रहे जीटीए बोर्ड ऑफ एडमिनिस्ट्रेशन के चेयरमैन विनय तमांग का आधिपत्य हो जाएगा। राजनीतिक जानकारों का मानना है कि पंचायत चुनाव के नतीजे से विनय तमांग गुट को करारा झटका लगा है।

गुरुवार को घोषित नतीजे से यह स्पष्ट हो गया कि मोर्चे के कुछ नेताओं के तृणमूल कांग्रेस में शामिल होने के बाद भी मोर्चा समर्थित मतदाताओं का एक बड़ा धड़ा विनय तमांग के प्रति नहीं, बल्कि विमल के प्रति आस्था रखता है। कभी गोजमुमो में नंबर दो का स्थान रखने व गोजमुमो केंद्रीय कमेटी के प्रचार सचिव रहे विनय तमांग के अलग गोरखालैंड मांग के प्रति नरम रूख अपनाए जाने के साथ ही मोर्चा के अंदर ही विनय तमांग के खिलाफ आवाज उठानी शुरू हो गई थी कि वे तृणमूल कांग्रेस के 'बी' टीम के रूप में काम कर रहे हैं। पंचायत चुनाव से पहले देखा भी गया कि कालचीनी ब्लॉक में गोजमुमो के कई नेता पार्टी छोड़कर तृणमूल कांग्रेस में शामिल हो गए थे। वहीं पंचायत चुनाव के परिणाम से साबित हो गया कि विमल के सामने नहीं आने के बाद भी डुवार्स क्षेत्रों में उनके समर्थकों की कमी नहीं है। विमल गुट ने भाजपा के साथ मिलकर चुनावी चुनावी लड़ाई लड़ी। उसी समय तृणमूल ने दावा किया था कि कालचीनी इलाके में विमल का प्रभाव सीमित हो गया है। जबकि जयगांव एक नंबर ग्राम पंचायत में मोर्चा के साथ गठबंधन के आधार पर भाजपा को मिला थी सात सीट, जबकि जयगांव दो नंबर ग्राम पंचायत में तीन सीट। वहीं जयगांव के पास के मालंगी ग्राम पंचायत के 24 सीटों में से भाजपा-मोर्चा गठबंधन को 11 सीट मिली थीं, वहीं तृणमूल कांग्रेस को 10 सीट मिली। कालचीनी प्रखंड के गारोपाड़ा ग्राम पंचायत के कुल 20 सीटों में से भाजपा-मोर्चा गठबंधन को 10 सीटें मिली था, जबकि तृणमूल कांग्रेस को सात सीटों से ही संतोष करना पड़ा। दलसिंगपाड़ा ग्राम पंचायत के 13 सीटों में भाजपा को आठ सीट व तृणमूल कांग्रेस को पांच सीट प्राप्त हुई थी।
इसी तरह से नागराकाटा प्रखंड के चंपागुड़ी ग्राम पंचायत के 25 सीटों में भाजपा-मोर्चा गठबंधन को 16 सीटें तो तृणमूल को मात्र नौ सीटें मिली।

इस बारे में गोरखा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा केंद्रीय कमेटी के सदस्य व विमल गुरुंग समर्थक मधुकर थापा ने बताया कि पंचायत चुनाव में तृणमूल कांग्रेस के ¨हसा व अराजकता के बाद भी कई सीटों पर मोर्चा समर्थित उम्मीदवारों ने जीत दर्ज की। अगर केंद्रीय अर्धसैनिक बलों की मौजूदगी में मतदान कराया जाता तो और सीटें मिलती।

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Paradoxically Popular: Poisoned People, Polluted Politics

3:10 PM

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Politics

Writes: Vanira Khati

The Chief Minister of West Bengal declared, ‘Pahaad Haaschey!’ and to elucidate the point she put up huge digitally printed banners across the length and breadth of the State with her own  ‘haaschey‘ face. While here in Darjeeling our own  Pahaad hasaaunchey GNLF politicians Aapa ko chora Mann Ghising and Bish-Purush Neeraj Zimba are pulling all kinds of laughable spins from their old ‘Appa hat of tricks.’

For an understanding of this Gorkhey Laurel-Hardy Jodi with a thoroughly detoxifying laugh, let’s recount these two jokers’ dramatically random moves:

On behalf of the Gorkhaland Movement Neeraj Zimba drinks poison and sends a letter to his Didi

Firstly, who had even asked GNLF to send a letter to Nabanna? No one! Mind you, GMCC was in collective charge of the 2017 movement up until the time Zimba in a totally Bollywood move, apparently while drinking some imaginary poison called for a videographer who captured him doing the ‘poison-drinking’ hand gesture while he choked begrudgingly on it (for effect) and his hands moved in fluid motion on the keyboard…and that’s how he typed that fateful letter to the State asking for Bipartite talks.

Applause!!!

Now with the acting done successfully and having segued into a bipartite talk mode swiftly – off went our political leaders – not as a unified unit of crusaders for Gorkhaland, but as divided as could be, and we witnessed the movement meet its first roadblock with acting-induced intra politics right there. The result was, every party was on its own and hence there would be no one answerable to and no one to speak for the cause of Gorkhaland.

After his method acting video, Zimba went completely silent. And surprise of all surprises, Mann Ghising got his appointment letter from Nabanna to the GTA 2 BoA.

It was now his turn to act.

So with his eyes hung from all corners of his face, young Mann, our very own dynast displayed exemplary integrity and squeaked a little louder than usual while saying, come what may, he would not be accepting the order from Nabanna that was returning (GTA) to the hills what the hills had relinquished. And we, in the chaotic midst of Binay & Anit falling headlong into Didi’s bear trap and accepting her appointments, almost applauded for young Mann’s stellar display of mettle… waah! waah! hera paraai!

We ‘ALMOST’ applauded, but maybe too soon because thence came to the Hill Area Development Council – an estimated 10Cr property bequeathed to our dynast of the GNLF, probably for having broken the GMCC so effectively and with such hammed precision.

Aah well… let’s move ahead.

Didi gives an antidote HADC (antidote) to the (poisoned) ZIMBA

What is HADC hou? The dallai hills ko development board? Kasari? Ke ho? Kina? Nobody knew.

Forget our 1st generation educated, not even the illustrious 2nd generation educated among us could crack this cryptic HADC, and for some other cryptic reason again, Neeraj Zimba used tears this time to dissolve the uncertainty surrounding it. He called in a videographer (again) and went a step ahead of Poison with this crocodile tears exclusive.

His round face clenched tightly at his nose, poignantly he said, “HADC ta baato ma aansoo pucheyko jasto maatra ho.”

Whaaaattttt?

That’s right! He said HADC was akin to wiping hot tears on the way to Gorkhaland. The 1st and 2nd generation educated were again flung by the symbolism in the statement. There was profound meaning in his tears on the journey to Gorkhaland. There was passion, there was a deep sense of travel, a destination, a journey… it was all there, but sadly there was no point in trying to understand that statement, there still isn’t… so why don’t we just cut to the Jan Sabha?

Now with the GNLF letter sent, Nabanna letter received, letter unaccepted, new letter received, new letter accepted… GNLF had, through a forceful smash successfully made its comeback on the back of 104days of Strike & 13 hapless martyrs.

What was next? A show of strength! And why not?

A ‘bhavya’ GNLF Jan Sabha was organised in the middle of Darjeeling town. The venue although decked with a morbidly celebratory cornucopia of green looked like it was standing there holding its breath… just like most of us watching were.

After all, our sacrifices for the cause of Gorkhaland had just been sold. And all efforts were being raised and implemented to bring about a semblance of peace. And worst of all, we couldn’t act as well as our politicians could. Our hurt was real and we were struggling to heal.

Recently poisoned now revived Zimba in green Gorkhay topi holds a Jaan Sabha in Darjeeling.

The show always goes on for Neeraj Zimba, the day of the Jan Sabha was no exception. He waxed eloquent like he had just won the elections & thanked our lataa siidhaa people for the turnout. Watching Zimba & Mann in the Jan Sabha was like watching Don Quixote and Sancho Panza winning an imaginary people’s mandate and quite literally killing it with their make believe leadership. Many in the crowd got confused and ended up applauding. Spurred thus by the crowd, Mann compared himself to a sugarcane, he explained the symbolism that we could if we wanted, smash him or squash him, all that would come out of him wasguliyo ras (?)

Zimba on the other hand, in an artistic moment combined with a sleight of hand technique, flashed a green Gorkhey topi and wore it atop his head amidst his party workers’ cheering. His acting prowess thus displayed again, he went on to say that he had promised himself that he would wear a topi only when the hills would once again be covered in his party colour, green.

And hence it came to pass that barring logic, the Jan Sabha had everything that worked for these GNLF leaders.

Nattily dressed Aapa ko Chora goes scouting for party members.

Next, armed with the HADC and the Jan Sabha to show (yes, pun intended), GNLF set out to grow its strength.  Unsuspecting locals inkamaan-busty welcomed them with the typical Gorkhey warmth and respect…and the newly launched GNLF Facebook page saw pictures of Mann smiling, Mann folding hands, Mann overwhelmed with the love, Mann drinking tea etc etc. Their Twitter handle blossomed with information and also, an Instagram account with pictures of Mann smiling, Mann folding hands, Mann overwhelmed with the love, Mann drinking tea etc etc

Now, where was Zimba when all this happened? Nobody knows…

The thing was Mann had come across as a leader and that was all that mattered!

Ex- Bish-Purush proclaims that he wants to hit the streets once a week for 6th Schedule – while we want Gorkhaland

Now in a recent turn of events, Neeraj Zimba called a Press Conference and without an iota of doubt rattled off that his party has the ‘Darjeeling Hills’ best interest at heart & mind and will demand Sixth Schedule for us’.

Watching his video, his unflinching confidence makes for such elevated stance and his stellar performance resounds with such commanding rhetoric that it seemed almost real even to our illustrious 2nd generation educated folks.

Gasp !!!

Phew! he almost pulled that one off!

To sum up, the GNLF random drama has been larger than life, the script has been killing, the plot has been turned and twisted to being projected as an almost real account. But we think and we think with damning clarity….where does their authority come from?

Have we voted them to power? NO

So can they speak for us? NO

Have we voted their 6th Schedule agenda to power? NO

So can we tell them to shut their theatrical mouths? YES

Go ahead, do it!

Tell those poison/drinking, letter-writing, Jan sabha-organising, street-crying, topi-wearing forcefully appointed leader/s to respect the basic tenets of democracy and win the people’s approval first, only then will they ever have the authority to speak for us.

GNLF has no business whatsoever demanding whichever schedule for us because THEY DON’T HAVE OUR MANDATE. And in spite of not having our approval, if they go ahead with presenting their idea of what’s good for the Darjeeling Hills, it’s their very own kitty party meeting with the West Bengal Chief Minister, we the people have no involvement in it. Because this is still a democracy we live in, we the people still have a say in it and that’s how it should be done… and that’s the only way it should be done!

#YouthAndStudentsOfGorkhaland

#JaiGorkhaland

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